Thomas de Waal, Areg Kochinyan, Zaur Shiriyev
{
"authors": [
"Thomas de Waal"
],
"type": "commentary",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Europe",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Caucasus",
"Azerbaijan"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform"
]
}Source: Getty
Azerbaijan: The Day After
Everyone actually knows the result of Azerbaijan’s presidential election—that President Ilham Aliyev will be elected for a third term. But today’s vote is most important as a test on the state of the country’s opposition.
Azerbaijan votes today in a curious election.
It is one of those post-Soviet elections where, despite a lot of polling-day fury and a multiplicity of candidates, everyone actually knows the result in advance—that President Ilham Aliyev will be elected for a third term.
So the day after will be more important. In a sense today’s vote is most important as a test on the state of the country’s opposition.
Azerbaijan’s opposition has been pretty hopeless for two decades. Its two main parties, the Popular Front of Azerbaijan and Musavat, shared power and governed the country briefly before President Abulfaz Elchibey’s rule collapsed in 1993. Since then, they have lived off nostalgia for this glorious moment in their past, squabbled amongst themselves, and for the most part failed to adapt to Azerbaijan’s dramatic rise as an oil and gas power. As a rule, their positions on the Karabakh conflict with Armenia have been even more hardline than those of the government.
This time for once the opposition in the shape of the newly-formed National Council of Democratic Forces has a single unified candidate, the historian Jamil Hasanli. By all reports, Hasanli has been quite effective, using whatever chances he can to ram home a message about government corruption.
Those chances are still limited. The opposition has been excluded from holding public meetings in central Baku for many years. The media is heavily weighted toward the government and independent outlets such as Radio Liberty’s Azerbaijani Service come under pressure. Many leading opposition figures have been put in jail this year, including Ilgar Mammadov, a presidential candidate.
You could say that the election has come a year or so too early for the opposition. There is certainly discontent in Azerbaijani society, chiefly over corruption and the massive inequalities of wealth in society. But it is not strongly focused and President Ilham Aliyev appears to have retained his popularity with much of the public.
In that sense, the Azerbaijani opposition’s aim is not to win the poll but to put on a show of strength. Although it cannot win the vote, it will hope to stage enough of a protest afterwards to make a noise.
Which leads to another question for the day after: will that noise be heard? Or to put it another way, can President Aliyev learn to live with an opposition?
About the Author
Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
De Waal is a senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, specializing in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.
- Rewiring the South Caucasus: TRIPP and the New Geopolitics of ConnectivityArticle
- Europolis, Where Europe EndsCommentary
Thomas de Waal
Recent Work
Carnegie India does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie India
- India’s Sustained Economic Recovery Will Require Changes to Its Bankruptcy LawPaper
As India’s economy recovers from the coronavirus pandemic, Indian businesses need efficient financial structures to regain their ground. Key reforms to India’s Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code could fill these gaps.
Anirudh Burman
- Cross-Border Data Access for Law Enforcement: What Are India’s Strategic Options?Paper
Access to cross-border data is an integral piece of the law enforcement puzzle. India is well placed to lead the discussions on international data agreements subject to undertaking necessary surveillance reforms.
Smriti Parsheera, Prateek Jha
- The BRI in Post-Coronavirus South AsiaArticle
After the coronavirus pandemic wanes, how will China’s reorientation of the Belt and Road Initiative to address global health concerns influence its relationships with South Asian countries?
Deep Pal, Rahul Bhatia
- India’s Unheeded Coronavirus WarningCommentary
Early in the outbreak, government researchers forecast several high-risk scenarios that were downplayed or ignored in public messaging.
Gautam I. Menon
- Intrusive Pandemic-Era Monitoring Is the Same Old Surveillance State, Not a New OneArticle
Governments around the world are turning to new forms of digital surveillance to monitor the spread of the coronavirus, though they are mostly using existing laws to do so.
Anirudh Burman