• Research
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie India logoCarnegie lettermark logo
AI
{
  "authors": [
    "Akio Kawato"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Russia",
    "Eastern Europe",
    "Ukraine",
    "Western Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Economy",
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Global Governance"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Commentary
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

EU-Russia Summit Meeting: A Case for Eurasia-Europe Collaboration

The Eurasian Economic Union had start negotiations with the EU on specific ways to liberalize mutual economic transactions without compromising its statehood. The forthcoming EU-Russia Summit is an opportune venue to launch such an idea.

Link Copied
By Akio Kawato
Published on Jan 17, 2014

The coming EU-Russia Summit is hyped in a wrong way, as if it were the final battle ground for the row about Ukraine. But even for an ignorant Japanese it is obvious that the Ukraine issue is not a real drama. Ukraine itself is divided in half on the “Association Agreement” with the EU. And most of the EU members have not been enthusiastic about having to pay for Ukraine. When both Ukraine and the EU realized that they would not get enough from each other, they balked, leaving Russia with the lion’s share of the burden.

So, the Ukraine case is closed for now, and the impending EU-Russia Summit may well end up with another wishy-washy good-will meeting with the EU wishing all the best for the Sochi Olympic and with Russia promising to welcome foreign visitors of any sexual orientation… But, methinks, Russia and the EU may well be on a threshold now to usher in a wholly new way of collaboration: the EU economy, after all, is finally recovering after five years of recession. The anxiety about the financial health of the “PIGS” countries is dissipating and their official bonds are selling well.

Russia is now intent on establishing a “Eurasian Economic Union” with some of ex-Soviet republics. If those republics are willing to follow, and if it does not go against Russia’s obligation to the WTO, there is no reason to oppose it. But—the new union should be open to outsiders. In the east, China is extending its economic reach toward Europe, and in the west, Germany is making forays into Asia. Today German cars are the best-seller in China, and the Germans boast of the largest trade surplus in the world. This reminds me of the 13th century, when Russia was encroached upon by the Mongols from the east and by the German knights from the west.

However, today’s world differs from the times of the Russian Prince Alexander Nevsky, who fought the Germans and the Swedes while accepting the Mongol tutelage, in one important respect; the powerful actors now do not struggle to conquer territory, they only compete for a larger market share. For example, China opened itself up for foreign investment in the early 1990s, and was able to rapidly develop its economy using foreign capital and technology, while never losing ownership of its landmass. What is more, there are other economic actors besides Germany and China: France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the United States. Russia can choose the best partner among them for each concrete project.

Therefore, it would be anachronistic to close up the Eurasian market in order to guard the parochial interest of local enterprises. The Eurasian Economic Union had better start negotiations with the EU on specific ways to liberalize mutual economic transactions without compromising its statehood. The forthcoming EU-Russia Summit is an opportune venue to launch such an idea, for example by means of an equally-footed “Mutual Association Agreement” between the EU and the new Eurasian Union—instead of the miscarried version of unequal association for Ukraine.

About the Author

Akio Kawato

Writer

Akio Kawato is a former Japanese diplomat and blogger.

Akio Kawato
Writer
EconomyForeign PolicyGlobal GovernanceRussiaEastern EuropeUkraineWestern Europe

Carnegie India does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie India

  • Paper
    Threading the Needle: India’s Path Forward with China

    After the chill in ties between 2020 and 2024 that brought India–China relations to their lowest point in several decades, the two countries have engaged each other afresh. This paper argues that there are predominantly four imperatives guiding India’s approach to China, and they exist in an order of priority.

      Saheb Singh Chadha

  • Article
    Managing Divergence: India’s BRICS Presidency in 2026

    This piece argues that India’s central challenge is not managing a single flashpoint but resolving the underlying tension between expansion and institutional coherency of the BRICS grouping.

      Vrinda Sahai

  • Article
    India–Africa Strategic Partnership: Challenges, Potential, and Possible Pathways

    A partnership between India, a country of subcontinental size, and Africa, a continent of fifty-four countries, may seem asymmetric until one notes that both are home to nearly the same number of people—1.4 billion. This essay spells out the existing challenges to the partnership, its optimal potential, and the possible pathways to realize it over the next quarter-century.

      Rajiv Bhatia

  • Commentary
    Emerging From the “Zombie State” of Trade Agreements: The India-EU FTA

    The India–EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is shaping up to be one of the most consequential trade negotiations, both economically and strategically. But, what’s in the agreement, what’s missing, and what will determine its success in the years ahead

      Vrinda Sahai, Nicolas Köhler-Suzuki

  • Article
    India’s Press Note 3 Gamble: Opening the FDI Door to China

    On March 10, 2026, India’s Union Cabinet approved amendments to Press Note 3, a regulation that mandated government approval on all foreign direct investment (FDI) from countries sharing a land border with India. This amendment raises questions primarily about whether its stated benefits will materialize and if the risks have been adequately weighed. This piece will address the same.

      Konark Bhandari

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie India
Carnegie India logo, white
Unit C-4, 5, 6, EdenparkShaheed Jeet Singh MargNew Delhi – 110016, IndiaPhone: 011-40078687
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie India
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.