Aaron David Miller, Karim Sadjadpour, Robin Wright
{
"authors": [
"Karim Sadjadpour"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Middle East",
"Iran"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}Source: Getty
The Future of the Opposition and the Islamic Republic, July, 17, 2009
The main problem currently facing the Iranian opposition is that the bulk of their brain trust is either in prison, under house arrest or have no methods of communicating, which has stifled political expression.
Source: BBC's Newsnight
Former Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani and other important leaders of the 1979 Islamic Revolution have questioned the legitimacy of the June 12th presidential elections. Despite these high profile denunciations the opposition movement still appears to be disparate and inchoate.
According to Karim Sadjapour, “The problem the opposition faces at the moment is that the bulk of their brain trust, their top minds, are either in prison, under house arrest or have no methods of communicating. So you have this tremendous popular outrage, but you don’t really have a concrete political channel to express that outrage”.
As the popular outrage has continued, Supreme Leader Khamenei has doubled down, viewing compromise and conciliation as a sign of weakness, “Post-election, sacred red lines have been crossed. People are out in the streets shouting ‘death to the dictator, death to Khamenei’ and they are challenging the very institution of the supreme leadership.”
In regards to U.S. policy, Sadjapour observes, “Post-election, the Obama administration’s approach has been the correct one. If the administration now comes out with a policy of engagement before the dust has settled, that is essentially an implicit endorsement of the elections results which could tip the balance in favor of the hardliners. The U.S. and EU should not acknowledge the results of the elections until the dust is settled because I think this fight is far from over.”
About the Author
Senior Fellow, Middle East Program
Karim Sadjadpour is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he focuses on Iran and U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East.
- What’s Keeping the Iranian Regime in Power—for NowQ&A
- How Washington and Tehran Are Assessing Their Next StepsQ&A
Aaron David Miller, David Petraeus, Karim Sadjadpour
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Why Are China and Russia Not Rushing to Help Iran?Commentary
Most of Moscow’s military resources are tied up in Ukraine, while Beijing’s foreign policy prioritizes economic ties and avoids direct conflict.
Alexander Gabuev, Temur Umarov
- Georgia’s Fall From U.S. Favor Heralds South Caucasus RealignmentCommentary
With the White House only interested in economic dealmaking, Georgia finds itself eclipsed by what Armenia and Azerbaijan can offer.
Bashir Kitachaev
- What Does War in the Middle East Mean for Russia–Iran Ties?Commentary
If the regime in Tehran survives, it could be obliged to hand Moscow significant political influence in exchange for supplies of weapons and humanitarian aid.
Nikita Smagin
- How Trump’s Wars Are Boosting Russian Oil ExportsCommentary
The interventions in Iran and Venezuela are in keeping with Trump’s strategy of containing China, but also strengthen Russia’s position.
Mikhail Korostikov
- How Far Can Russian Arms Help Iran?Commentary
Arms supplies from Russia to Iran will not only continue, but could grow significantly if Russia gets the opportunity.
Nikita Smagin