A much-discussed disagreement over internet restrictions in Russia was never an existential threat for Putin: It was about elite groups protecting their interests.
Alexandra Prokopenko
{
"authors": [
"Dmitri Trenin",
"Feng Shaolei"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie China",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [
"China’s Foreign Relations"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [
"Eurasia in Transition"
],
"regions": [],
"topics": [
"Economy"
]
}Source: Getty
The balance in Sino-Russian economic relations has shifted heavily in favor of the Chinese, and Moscow’s long-term strategy toward China will likely seek to make their relationship more equal.
Source: China Radio International's People In the Know

Trenin pointed out that over the last several decades, the economic balance between the two nations has shifted heavily in favor of the Chinese. Whereas Russia was once an exporter of technology and machinery to its Asian neighbor, now the tables have turned, with Russian exports consisting mostly of raw materials. This worries Moscow, Trenin said. Indeed, as China invests in Russia’s Far East, Trenin posited that the Kremlin will be weary of “overexposure” to Chinese labor and investment, reluctant to leave itself vulnerable. Trenin argued that Moscow’s long-term strategy toward China will likely seek to make their relationship more equal.
Trenin recognized that China is an important economic and political partner for Russia, but Moscow is also seeking other partners in the region. While China, for example, is the key energy consumer in the region, Russia would benefit greatly from diversifying its energy exports to other major economies such as Japan and South Korea. All in all, Trenin assessed the relationship as good, but not exactly where the Russians would like it.
Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center
Trenin was director of the Carnegie Moscow Center from 2008 to early 2022.
Feng Shaolei
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
A much-discussed disagreement over internet restrictions in Russia was never an existential threat for Putin: It was about elite groups protecting their interests.
Alexandra Prokopenko
The demands of the Kremlin’s war in Ukraine, demographic problems, and public hostility toward Central Asians mean Russia does not have enough workers.
Salavat Abylkalikov
Minsk’s faith in the future of its larger neighbor’s economy is fading as Belarusian firms in Russia see record losses.
Olga Loiko
The cost of air defense has become an unregistered tax on revenue for businesses. While military rents are consolidated in the federal budget, the costs of defense are being spread across the balance sheets of companies and regional governments.
Alexandra Prokopenko
Powerful lobbyists and inertia led to Russia’s coal-mining sector missing an excellent opportunity to solve its structural problems.
Alexey Gusev