• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Minxin Pei"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "AP",
  "programs": [
    "Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "China"
  ],
  "topics": []
}
REQUIRED IMAGE

REQUIRED IMAGE

In The Media

'Symbolic' Summit Provides Many Surprises

Link Copied
By Minxin Pei
Published on Oct 28, 2002

Source: Carnegie

Reprinted with permission by The Straits Times, October 28, 2002

WASHINGTON - Expectations for the summit between presidents George W. Bush and Jiang Zemin last Friday in Crawford were so low that many pundits derided it as purely 'symbolic' or 'ceremonial'.

Such thinking is based mainly on the premise that Washington and Beijing have such divergent interests that a 90-minute meeting cannot narrow differ-ences on issues such as Taiwan, human rights and what China calls 'American global hegemony'.

Cynics on both sides believe long-term ties remain uncertain at best despite the common position on terrorism and Mr Bush's obsession with Iraq, which compels him to be conciliatory towards Beijing.

In Washington, influential right-wingers believe China is the primary threat to the US in the future if not now.

And in Beijing, many are disturbed by Washington's new hawkish posture, such as Mr Bush's new doctrine of pre-emptive strikes and implicit warning to China not to challenge America's military might.

To the belligerents on both sides, it was a disappointment that the Crawford summit should have taken place at all.

The hawks in Washington believe that getting tough with Beijing is the best and only approach. They point to China's muted response to the substantial revision on America's Taiwan policy as proof that it understands only toughness.

To them, inviting China's top leader to Mr Bush's ranch, an honour reserved for only the most trusted allies, is a mistake.

Meanwhile, Mr Jiang's pro-America policy has its own sceptics at home, who think that a superficial summitry is unlikely to reverse Mr Bush's shift on Taiwan.

Despite all these doomsayers, Crawford did yield at least two positive surprises.

For the first time, Mr Bush announced that the US does not support Taiwan's pursuit of independence.

When he took over the White House, his office had refused to commit itself to a one-China policy.

Thus, his affirmation of a 'no-support policy' on Taiwan independence could be considered a quantum gain to Mr Jiang.

The other surprise is the announcement that Vice-President Dick Cheney will visit China next spring.

He is known to be one of the top scoffers of China in Washington. His office has reportedly allied with Pentagon's hawks in pushing for several key decisions disadvantageous to China.

Although a visit to China may not change his views, getting him to interact with China's new leaders would help bilateral dialogue.

All said, it is premature for Beijing to celebrate the achievements at Crawford.

By hosting Mr Jiang and staking much political capital on improving relations with Beijing, Mr Bush also expects cooperation on a burning issue: North Korea.

The recent disclosure that it is pursuing nuclear weapons poses a major challenge to Mr Bush.

Being North Korea's only major ally, China is seen as an important player who can pressure it to dismantle its weapons programme.

About the Author

Minxin Pei

Former Adjunct Senior Associate, Asia Program

Pei is Tom and Margot Pritzker ‘72 Professor of Government and the director of the Keck Center for International and Strategic Studies at Claremont McKenna College.

    Recent Work

  • In The Media
    How China Can Avoid the Next Conflict

      Minxin Pei

  • In The Media
    Small Change

      Minxin Pei

Minxin Pei
Former Adjunct Senior Associate, Asia Program
Minxin Pei
China

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    China Sells Stability Amid American Volatility

    US unpredictability has allowed China to capitalize on its positioning as the “responsible great power”. Paradoxically, the more China wins the perception game, the more likely expectations will rise for Beijing to deliver not just words but to demonstrate with its deeds.

      Chong Ja Ian

  • Vietnam's Top Leader To Lam meets with young representatives from China and Vietnam participating in the "Red Study Tours" at the Great Hall of the People on April 15, 2026 in Beijing, China. T
    Commentary
    Why Vietnam Is Swinging in China’s Direction

    Hanoi and Beijing have long treated each other as distant cousins rather than comrades in arms. That might be changing as both sides draw closer to hedge against uncertainty and America’s erratic behavior.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of Everything

    Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.


      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Xi walking into a room with people standing and applauding around him
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The Xi Doctrine Zeros in on “High-Quality Development” for China’s Economic Future

    In the latest Five-Year Plan, the Chinese president cements the shift to an innovation-driven economy over a consumption-driven one.

      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly Nonpartisan

    For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.

      Elina Noor

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.