• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Toby Dalton"
  ],
  "type": "other",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "Korean Peninsula"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "NPP",
  "programs": [
    "Nuclear Policy"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "East Asia",
    "South Korea"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Nuclear Policy",
    "Nuclear Energy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Other

Nuclear Governance: South Korea’s Efforts to Strengthen Regimes and Frameworks for the Safe and Secure Use of Nuclear Energy

South Korea stands in a unique position among the global nuclear elite: it is the top user of nuclear power that is not also a nuclear weapon state.

Link Copied
By Toby Dalton
Published on Jun 24, 2015

Source: Council on Foreign Relations

South Korea stands in a unique position among the global nuclear elite: it is the top user of nuclear power that is not also a nuclear weapon state. The only states producing more nuclear power than the ROK (China, France, Russia, and the United States) all have nuclear weapons. Thus South Korea’s rise to this position gives it a special standing and legitimacy in its commitment to nonproliferation. In many senses it serves as a poster child for the efficacy of the nuclear regimes that regulate nuclear energy and trade while seeking to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation. That these regimes were largely built by the weapon states to protect their own interests—and, some would argue, to perpetuate their technological dominance at the expense of developing countries— makes the ROK’s emergence all the more interesting as an example of how a middle power can gain a position of prominence in the international system. This special standing in turn has yielded opportunities for South Korea to shape the regimes that govern its nuclear activities.

This position is still relatively new for the ROK, having coalesced in the 2009–2012 time frame. Before 2009, South Korea had been a participant in the nuclear regimes, but it rarely (if ever) sought leadership in nuclear diplomacy. Two events, which coincided with the Lee Myungbak administration’s Global Korea initiative, changed the ROK’s nuclear diplomacy calculus. First, on May 25, 2009, North Korea (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK) conducted a second nuclear explosive test. South Korea’s actions after the test demonstrate sharp movement away from its history of DPRK-centric nuclear diplomacy toward aggressive activities in international nuclear regimes. On May 26, the ROK joined the Proliferation Security Initiative—a counterproliferation mechanism whose members seek to interdict illicit trafficking of nuclear goods—and shortly thereafter elevated its involvement with another group, the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism. Second, in late December 2009, South Korea concluded a $20 billion agreement to construct four nuclear power plants in the United Arab Emirates. This deal marked the ROK’s emergence as a nuclear exporter and its aspirations for nuclear industry to become a major export sector alongside automobiles, electronics, and steel.

These two events catalyzed a broadening of Seoul’s vision of its nuclear policy, planting the seeds of South Korea’s interest to play more of a leadership role in international efforts to strengthen nuclear safety and security. Events after 2009 allowed these seeds to grow. North Korea’s further provocations in 2010 (the sinking of the Cheonan and shelling of Yeonpyeong), the Fukushima nuclear accident in March 2011, and the initiation of U.S.-ROK negotiations on a renewal of their bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement elevated nuclear issues to the top of South Korea’s national security and diplomacy priorities. Seoul’s emerging leadership in nuclear regimes served multiple interests. Those interests seemingly coalesced in the Lee administration’s initiative to host the 2012 Nuclear Security Summit (NSS) in Seoul, which serves as this chapter’s focus for examining South Korea’s role as a middle power in international nuclear safety and security governance.

The full chapter can be found in the report "Middle-Power Korea" by the Council on Foreign Relations.

About the Author

Toby Dalton

Senior Fellow and Co-director, Nuclear Policy Program

Toby Dalton is a senior fellow and co-director of the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment. An expert on nonproliferation and nuclear energy, his work addresses regional security challenges and the evolution of the global nuclear order.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Promoting Responsible Nuclear Energy Conduct: An Agenda for International Cooperation

      Ariel (Eli) Levite, Toby Dalton

  • Research
    A New Era of Nuclear-Powered Submarines Is Making Waves in Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones
      • +5

      Toby Dalton, Jamie Kwong, Ryan A. Musto, …

Toby Dalton
Senior Fellow and Co-director, Nuclear Policy Program
Toby Dalton
Nuclear PolicyNuclear EnergyEast AsiaSouth Korea

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of Everything

    Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.


      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • An aerial view shows containers stacked at a port in Taicang, in eastern China's Jiangsu province on May 18, 2025.
    Commentary
    How to Predict China’s Economic Performance for 2025: A Sectoral Approach

    GDP growth means something fundamentally different in China than in most countries.

      Michael Pettis

  • People wave Chinese flags as the plane carrying Chinese President Xi Jinping arrives for a two-day state visit at Hanoi's Noi Bai International Airport in Hanoi on April 14, 2025
    Article
    How Southeast Asia Sees Xi Jinping’s Regional Push Amid U.S.-China Tensions

    The Trump administration’s effort to reshape the global trading system and reset overseas security commitments is creating an historic inflection point.  Less clear is how far China will be able to capitalize on these dynamics.

      • +1

      Li Mingjiang, Le Hong Hiep, Ngeow Chow Bing, …

  • Article
    Northeast Asia Is for Deterrence and Southeast Asia Is (Mostly) for Freeriding: Appreciating Divergent East Asian Approaches to Order, Uncertainty, and Contestation

    Most Southeast Asian states behave as if the actions of their Northeast Asian neighbors and the Philippines will be sufficient to maintain a regional status quo from which they can benefit.

      Chong Ja Ian

  • Commentary
    Beyond the Putin-Kim Alliance: How Can the International Community Engage China to Contain Nuclear Risks Over the Korean Peninsula?

    Faced with an increase in strategic maneuvering by Moscow and Pyongyang, Beijing will not sit idly by and allow Putin and Kim to shape the security environment on its behalf.

      Tong Zhao

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.