• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Thomas Carothers"
  ],
  "type": "other",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "Democracy and Governance"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "democracy",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "DCG",
  "programs": [
    "Democracy, Conflict, and Governance"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Democracy",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Other

Political Party Assistance: Mutual Learning Needed

Since political parties in both established and emerging democracies face similar challenges, Western party aid should avoid the donor-recipient paradigm and instead embody a productive spirit of mutuality.

Link Copied
By Thomas Carothers
Published on Feb 15, 2017

Source: 21st Century Parties

Turbulence among political parties in established Western democracies is rife—whether it is the harsh churning within the British Labor Party, the serious challenges facing Spain’s two traditional parties, the notable gains by the right-wing parties in Denmark, France, and Sweden, or the unusually open-ended candidate competition within the U.S. Republican Party. These developments are taken by some observers as proof that mainstream Western political parties are losing, or indeed have already lost credibility as sources of ideas or assistance to counterparts in new or struggling democracies. But this need not be the case. At least it need not be if Western party aid groups can move even more decisively than they have so far away from their old habits.

In particular, they need to deemphasize training efforts to help build party organizations in other countries along the lines of an idealized model of what a well-established party should look like. Instead, Western party aid should take a more specific problem-centered approach, focusing on the vexing issues that are staring Western political parties in the face and that are also present in the political life of many developing and post-Communist countries. The spirit should be one of mutuality of both problems and responses, openly recognizing that Western parties are facing just as much public skepticism and criticism in many countries as are their counterparts in other parts of the world, and just as many uncertainties about how to grapple with changing political developments.

Some issues for such an agenda:

  • Populism: How can democratic political parties best engage with and respond to rising new currents of populism and assertive populist figures of dubious democratic fidelity?
  • Intolerance: What can political parties do to help tamp down the flames of intolerance that have been flaring up in many societies as a result of new pressures relating to migration and refugees, divisive identity politics, and radicalism?
  • New forms of civic activism: How should political parties change themselves and their relationship to citizens in response to the widespread reality of new forms of civic activism, such as non-formalized movements or protest waves that erupt around the issue of systemic corruption?
  • Tech generation: How should political parties reach and engage a rising generation of voters who rely heavily on social media and other online instruments as their main source of information, news, engagement, and debate?
  • Inequality: How can political parties convince citizens that they are part of the solution rather than the problem with respect to rising inequality?


In all areas of international support for democracy, the old assumed line between a set of countries that have largely achieved success and a set of countries looking for lessons and help has been effaced by global political change. In all areas of democracy assistance, aid groups are struggling to adapt their efforts to a world in which democratic deficiencies are remarkably similar in many old and new democracies alike. Given that party aid is a more compact domain of international assistance than most other areas, and that Western party aid specialists are often close to the ground politically, they should be able to be leaders within the wider assistance community in crafting new types of programming that embody a productive spirit of mutuality learning and avoid old patterns of “provider” and “recipient.”

This article was originally published on 21st Century Parties.

About the Author

Thomas Carothers

Harvey V. Fineberg Chair for Democracy Studies; Director, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program

Thomas Carothers, director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program, is a leading expert on comparative democratization and international support for democracy.

    Recent Work

  • Paper
    Post-U.S. International Democracy Support: Aspiration in Search of Substance

      Richard Youngs, Thomas Carothers

  • Article
    How Anger Over Corruption Keeps Driving Global Politics
      • McKenzie Carrier

      Thomas Carothers, McKenzie Carrier

Thomas Carothers
Harvey V. Fineberg Chair for Democracy Studies; Director, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Thomas Carothers
Political ReformDemocracyForeign Policy

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    Emissary
    Trump and Xi Are Angling for Three Years of Stability

    But their "principal to principal" model will only be as effective as the political strength of each leader back home.

      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    China Sells Stability Amid American Volatility

    U.S. unpredictability has allowed China to capitalize on its positioning as the “responsible great power”. Paradoxically, the more China wins the perception game, the more likely expectations will rise for Beijing to deliver not just words but to demonstrate with its deeds.

      Chong Ja Ian

  • Vietnam's Top Leader To Lam meets with young representatives from China and Vietnam participating in the "Red Study Tours" at the Great Hall of the People on April 15, 2026 in Beijing, China. T
    Commentary
    Why Vietnam Is Swinging in China’s Direction

    Hanoi and Beijing have long treated each other as distant cousins rather than comrades in arms. That might be changing as both sides draw closer to hedge against uncertainty and America’s erratic behavior.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of Everything

    Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.


      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing Disorder

    Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.

      Elina Noor

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.