- +11
Frances Z. Brown, Nate Reynolds, Priyal Singh, …
{
"authors": [
"Frederic Wehrey"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North Africa",
"Libya",
"Maghreb"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Security",
"Military"
]
}Source: Getty
Libya’s Security Situation
Grievances against Libya’s Zeidan government by the militias are not ideological but rather reflect the government’s inability to deliver services, its lack of transparency, and the way Zeidan governs.
Source: BBC World News America
Speaking on BBC World News America, Carnegie’s Frederic Wehrey discussed recent developments in Libya, including the abduction of the Prime Minister Ali Zeidan and the U.S. raid to capture senior al-Qaeda suspect Anas al-Liby. While there has been a real deterioration in security over the past nine months, Wehrey noted, the situation hasn’t turned into an all-out civil war. After the revolution, the army and police collapsed, allowing militias to have free reign since there was no institutional basis for force in the country. But even so, Wehrey said, “I think there is a sense of unity among Libyans that often gets overlooked and that’s why we haven’t seen the place collapse into something like Somalia or Bosnia yet.”
Although many of the Islamist groups in eastern Libya perhaps share the same world view with al-Qaeda, they are not organizationally linked, Wehrey argued, contending that Libya’s situation should not be read as part of a broader al-Qaeda expansion in North Africa. These Islamist groups in the east have their own local motives that are separate from al-Qaeda’s vision, Wehrey explained. Turning to the abduction of the Prime Minister, Wehrey noted that while the American raid may have been the catalyst, many of the militias are not Islamists and their grievances against the Zeidan government are not ideological but about reflect the inability of the government to deliver services, its lack of transparency, and the way Zeidan governs.
This interview was originally aired on BBC World News America.
About the Author
Senior Fellow, Middle East Program
Frederic Wehrey is a senior fellow in the Middle East Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where his research focuses on governance, conflict, and security in Libya, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf.
- Russia in Africa: Examining Moscow’s Influence and Its LimitsResearch
- How the Flaws of Trump’s Gaza Deal Prevent an Enduring PeaceCommentary
Charles H. Johnson, Frederic Wehrey
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Why Has Kazakhstan Started Deporting Political Activists?Commentary
The current U.S. indifference to human rights means Astana no longer has any incentive to refuse extradition requests from its authoritarian neighbors—including Russia.
Temur Umarov
- Why Are China and Russia Not Rushing to Help Iran?Commentary
Most of Moscow’s military resources are tied up in Ukraine, while Beijing’s foreign policy prioritizes economic ties and avoids direct conflict.
Alexander Gabuev, Temur Umarov
- What Does War in the Middle East Mean for Russia–Iran Ties?Commentary
If the regime in Tehran survives, it could be obliged to hand Moscow significant political influence in exchange for supplies of weapons and humanitarian aid.
Nikita Smagin
- How Far Can Russian Arms Help Iran?Commentary
Arms supplies from Russia to Iran will not only continue, but could grow significantly if Russia gets the opportunity.
Nikita Smagin
- The Kremlin Is Destroying Its Own System of Coerced VotingCommentary
The use of technology to mobilize Russians to vote—a system tied to the relative material well-being of the electorate, its high dependence on the state, and a far-reaching system of digital control—is breaking down.
Andrey Pertsev