• Research
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie India logoCarnegie lettermark logo
AI
{
  "authors": [
    "Husain Haqqani"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "russia",
  "programs": [
    "Russia and Eurasia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "South Asia",
    "India",
    "Pakistan"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Security",
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Nuclear Policy"
  ]
}
REQUIRED IMAGE

REQUIRED IMAGE

In The Media

Bad Neighbors in South Asia

Link Copied
By Mr. Husain Haqqani
Published on Feb 19, 2003

Source: Carnegie

Originally appeared in the International Herald Tribune, February 18, 2003

While world leaders are preoccupied with Iraq and North Korea, relations between South Asia's nuclear rivals are deteriorating. India recently expelled Pakistan's acting ambassador in New Delhi, accusing him of funneling money to anti-India politicians in Kashmir. Pakistan retaliated by expelling the most senior Indian diplomat in Islamabad. The two neighbors are now left with low-level diplomatic contact.

Meanwhile, Indian and U.S. officials have accused Pakistan of reviving the flow of militants into Indian-controlled territory after several months of restraint that followed the threat of war last year. If this pattern of hostility continues, it is likely that Indian and Pakistani forces will again be involved in eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation when the spring thaw in the Himalayas makes fighting possible.

The United States has periodically engaged in shuttle diplomacy to keep the two nuclear-armed rivals from going to war, most notably in 2002, when both sides mobilized more than a million troops along their 2,000-kilometer frontier after a failed terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament. But the region needs a sustained peace process. Without it, the cycle of bluster and violence could escalate to unpredictable levels.

Frustrated by its inability to secure an Indian commitment to negotiate the future of Kashmir, Pakistan could continue down the slippery slope of using Islamic militancy as an instrument of policy. Sufficiently provoked, India could decide to follow Israel's example of dealing with the Palestinians or the U.S. example of dealing with Iraq.

The problem, of course, is that Pakistan is neither as weak as the Palestinians nor as vulnerable as Iraq. It has a sizable arsenal of nuclear weapons and a demonstrated ballistic missile capability. It is also a strategically located American ally.

At the heart of the conflict is mutual suspicion that each country wants to divide and destroy the other. Pakistan lives in dread of being "erased from the world map" - a phrase used by India's defense minister recently to describe what would happen in the event of nuclear war. Both sides refuse to seek a long-term solution to their pathological antipathy.

Before initiating a peace process, the United States should try to prevent an arms race. Pakistan has re-entered the international arms market as a buyer. India wants to expand the overwhelming superiority in conventional weapons that it already enjoys.

From 1997 to 2001, India was the fifth largest importer of arms in the world, after Taiwan, China, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. India has several major deals in the works with the United States, Russia, Israel and France that could make it the second biggest arms importer. In addition, India's Defense Research and Development Organization is engaged in indigenous development of weapons and systems. Economic problems limit Pakistan's ability to match India's arsenal. Pakistan's defense budget stands at around $3.3 billion, which is $10 billion less than India's. Of course, India has security concerns beyond Pakistan, notably in relation to China, whereas Pakistan's defense is primarily India-specific.

China, which supplies one-third of Pakistan's weapons, finds it useful to help Pakistan in keeping India bogged down in South Asia.

But in the absence of dialogue or a sustained peace process, India's decision to enlarge the military imbalance is driving hard-liners in Pakistan to press for further support of Islamic militants in Kashmir.

Some experts in India have argued that India should spend Pakistan into the ground, much as the United States crippled the Soviet Union. Because Pakistan has a much smaller economy, it cannot compete with India weapon system for weapon system, so it relies on nuclear deterrence and unconventional warfare. The one area where it has competed successfully, and possibly even managed parity, is in nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. India's secular identity and the evolution of Islamic Pakistan toward sustainable democracy are being undermined by their military rivalry and tension. Security concerns have made Pakistan's military stronger than other national institutions and independent of civilian control. Hindu chauvinism directed against religious minorities, especially Muslims, is on the rise in India.

The growing power of Islamists in Pakistan and Hindu ideologues in India makes the region more dangerous, adding to the list of reasons why the United States and other concerned powers should give it more constructive attention.

About the Author

Mr. Husain Haqqani

Former Visiting Scholar

    Recent Work

  • Report
    India and Pakistan: Is Peace Real This Time?: A Conversation between Husain Haqqani and Ashley J. Tellis

      Mr. Husain Haqqani, Ashley J. Tellis

  • Other
    America's New Alliance with Pakistan: Avoiding the Traps of the Past

      Mr. Husain Haqqani

Mr. Husain Haqqani
Former Visiting Scholar
Husain Haqqani
Political ReformSecurityForeign PolicyNuclear PolicySouth AsiaIndiaPakistan

Carnegie India does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie India

  • Article
    India–Africa Strategic Partnership: Challenges, Potential, and Possible Pathways

    A partnership between India, a country of subcontinental size, and Africa, a continent of fifty-four countries, may seem asymmetric until one notes that both are home to nearly the same number of people—1.4 billion. This essay spells out the existing challenges to the partnership, its optimal potential, and the possible pathways to realize it over the next quarter-century.

      Rajiv Bhatia

  • Commentary
    The Unresolved Challenges in U.S.–India Semiconductor Cooperation

    The U.S.–India semiconductor cooperation story is well-stocked with top-level strategic intent. What remains unresolved, however, are some underlying challenges that will determine whether the cooperation actually functions. Three such friction points stand out.

      Shruti Mittal

  • Commentary
    Emerging From the “Zombie State” of Trade Agreements: The India-EU FTA

    The India–EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is shaping up to be one of the most consequential trade negotiations, both economically and strategically. But, what’s in the agreement, what’s missing, and what will determine its success in the years ahead

      Vrinda Sahai, Nicolas Köhler-Suzuki

  • Article
    Outlooks on Open-Source Innovation at the India AI Impact Summit 2026

    Drawing on ten public discussions from the India AI Impact Summit 2026, this article highlights key outlooks on open source in AI that are likely to shape policy and governance conversations going forward.

      Shruti Mittal

  • Research
    For People, Planet, and Progress: Perspectives from India's AI Impact Summit

    This collection of essays by scholars from Carnegie India’s Technology and Society program traces the evolution of the AI summit series and examines India’s framing around the three sutras of people, planet, and progress. Scholars have catalogued and assessed the concrete deliverables that emerged and assessed what the precedent of a Global South country hosting means for the future of the multilateral conversation.

      • +3

      Nidhi Singh, Tejas Bharadwaj, Shruti Mittal, …

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie India
Carnegie India logo, white
Unit C-4, 5, 6, EdenparkShaheed Jeet Singh MargNew Delhi – 110016, IndiaPhone: 011-40078687
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie India
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.