Suzanne Maloney, Aaron David Miller, Karim Sadjadpour
{
"authors": [
"Karim Sadjadpour"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center",
"Carnegie China"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"Middle East",
"Iran",
"Saudi Arabia",
"Gulf"
],
"topics": [
"Foreign Policy",
"Nuclear Policy",
"Arms Control"
]
}Source: Getty
Good News, But An Alliance With Iran Is Premature
Iran is one of the few countries in the Middle East where America’s strategic interests and democratic values align, rather than clash.
Source: New York Times
Since the 1979 Iranian revolution replaced an American-allied monarchy with a virulently anti-American theocracy, U.S. foreign policy in the oil-rich Persian Gulf has rested on two strategic pillars: enmity with Iran, and amity with Saudi Arabia. In light of the recent interim nuclear deal with Tehran, are we on the verge of a strategic realignment?
The short answer is not yet.
The anomaly of the U.S.-Iran-Saudi triangle is the fact that Tehran and Washington share common enemies—including the Taliban and Al Qaeda—both of which took inspiration from the intolerant Wahhabi religious sect of Saudi Arabia.Whereas Iran and Saudi Arabia have a genuine geopolitical rivalry, the U.S.-Iran conflict has been driven by an antiquated ideology. Since 1979, Iran’s Islamist leadership has often prioritized revolutionary dogma—namely the rejection of American influence and Israel’s existence—over national interests.
While Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei has seemingly endorsed a tactical nuclear détente in order to alleviate Iran’s economic suffering, a full rapprochement with the United States—which would require Tehran to cease its belligerence toward Israel and support for groups like Hezbollah—would oblige the 74-year-old Khamenei to abrogate the values he’s stood for his entire political career.
U.S.-Iran enmity is not indefinite, however. Indeed, Iran is one of the few countries in the Middle East where America’s strategic interests and democratic values align, rather than clash. Whereas a representative government in Saudi Arabia has the potential to bring about a political system that’s even less tolerant, and less sympathetic to U.S. interests, than the status quo, in Iran a more representative government would likely auger both greater political and social tolerance and a more cooperative working relationship with Washington.
For this reason, it’s eminently possible to foresee a day in which an energy self-sufficient America renews its alliance with Tehran, and downgrades its rapport with Riyadh. In the near future, however, the largest economy in the world (the U.S.) is not going to abandon the world’s key energy producer (Saudi Arabia) to form an alliance with a country (Iran) that remains torn between resistance and reintegration.
This article was originally published in the New York Times.
About the Author
Senior Fellow, Middle East Program
Karim Sadjadpour is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he focuses on Iran and U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East.
- Iran Wanted to Survive the War. Now What?Q&A
- What’s Keeping the Iranian Regime in Power—for NowQ&A
Aaron David Miller, Karim Sadjadpour, Robin Wright
Recent Work
Carnegie India does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie India
- AI in Outer Space: Opportunities, Risks, and the Governance GapCommentary
How is AI reshaping space security, creating governance challenges, and where does international diplomacy stand today?
Tejas Bharadwaj, Almudena Azcárate Ortega
- Threading the Needle: India’s Path Forward with ChinaPaper
After the chill in ties between 2020 and 2024 that brought India–China relations to their lowest point in several decades, the two countries have engaged each other afresh. This paper argues that there are predominantly four imperatives guiding India’s approach to China, and they exist in an order of priority.
Saheb Singh Chadha
- Managing Divergence: India’s BRICS Presidency in 2026Article
This piece argues that India’s central challenge is not managing a single flashpoint but resolving the underlying tension between expansion and institutional coherency of the BRICS grouping.
Vrinda Sahai
- India–Africa Strategic Partnership: Challenges, Potential, and Possible PathwaysArticle
A partnership between India, a country of subcontinental size, and Africa, a continent of fifty-four countries, may seem asymmetric until one notes that both are home to nearly the same number of people—1.4 billion. This essay spells out the existing challenges to the partnership, its optimal potential, and the possible pathways to realize it over the next quarter-century.
Rajiv Bhatia
- The Unresolved Challenges in U.S.–India Semiconductor CooperationCommentary
The U.S.–India semiconductor cooperation story is well-stocked with top-level strategic intent. What remains unresolved, however, are some underlying challenges that will determine whether the cooperation actually functions. Three such friction points stand out.
Shruti Mittal