• Research
  • Politika
  • About
Carnegie Russia Eurasia center logoCarnegie lettermark logo
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "C. Raja Mohan"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie India"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie India",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "United States",
    "South Asia",
    "India",
    "North America"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie India

Day 3: India, U.S. Ready to Talk To—Not At—Each Other

As they ended their three-day summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Barack Obama had every reason to feel vindicated that their political bet on each other had paid off handsomely.

Link Copied
By C. Raja Mohan
Published on Jan 28, 2015

Source: Indian Express

As they ended their three-day summit with a joint radio broadcast, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Barack Obama had every reason to feel vindicated that their political bet on each other had paid off handsomely.

Modi went for broke in finding a way to renew the momentum in the partnership with America, which he saw as central to his foreign and domestic strategies. Obama moved quickly after Modi’s election to end US antipathy towards the former chief minister of Gujarat, and invited him to the White House.

Once they found they could do business, they went full tilt at addressing outstanding issues like the civil nuclear initiative, reviving the stalled defence cooperation, exploring common ground on climate change, and expanding economic cooperation.

As they tweeted on Tuesday afternoon — Modi bidding goodbye and Obama thanking his host — the two leaders demonstrated an unprecedented level of personal comfort.

If Obama has been widely acknowledged as a master of public communication, he met his match in Modi. Unlike his recent predecessors, who were stiff and formal in their engagement with world leaders, Modi understands the value of personal chemistry in shaping political outcomes.

Obama’s record on India in the seventh year at the White House now looks rather impressive. Contrary to the widespread perception that he is not warm towards India, Obama hosted Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as the first state guest at the White House in 2009. He is also the only US president to have visited India twice.
If George W Bush is rightly credited with re-imagining the relationship with India, Obama has advanced it beyond anyone’s expectations. Whatever his initial reservations about the civil nuclear initiative, Obama has helped wrap up what Bush had started.

Despite his initial belief that a resolution of the Kashmir question will help stabilise Afghanistan, Obama quickly moved away from the temptation to meddle in India-Pak disputes. After the failure of his overtures towards China early on in his presidency, Obama put India at the forefront of his pivot to Asia. He also became the first American president to support India’s claim to be a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

On the last day of his trip, Obama clearly articulated the unlimited possibilities for America and India in jointly promoting mutual prosperity, regional security and a stable global order. As he celebrated the virtues of Indian democracy, Obama also cautioned his hosts against the emerging threats to its cultural and religious pluralism.

Obama affirmed that India’s ability to continually affirm its democracy amidst so much diversity, is an example “for every other country on Earth”.

That Obama’s remarks were widely seen as unexceptionable in India is a testimony to the new maturity of the relationship. India and America are now ready to talk to each other frankly and in a spirit of genuine friendship rather than at each other.

This article was originally published in the Indian Express.

About the Author

C. Raja Mohan

Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India

A leading analyst of India’s foreign policy, Mohan is also an expert on South Asian security, great-power relations in Asia, and arms control.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Deepening the India-France Maritime Partnership

      C. Raja Mohan, Darshana M. Baruah

  • Commentary
    Shanghai Cooperation Organization at Crossroads: Views From Moscow, Beijing and New Delhi
      • Alexander Gabuev
      • +1

      Alexander Gabuev, Paul Haenle, C. Raja Mohan, …

C. Raja Mohan
Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India
Foreign PolicyUnited StatesSouth AsiaIndiaNorth America

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Will Hungary’s New Leader Really Change EU Policy on Russia and Ukraine?

    Orbán created an image for himself as virtually the only opponent of aid to Ukraine in the entire EU. But in reality, he was simply willing to use his veto to absorb all the backlash, allowing other opponents to remain in the shadows.

      Maksim Samorukov

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Power, Pathways, and Policy: Grounding Central Asia’s Digital Ambitions

    Central Asia’s digital ambitions are achievable, but only if policy is aligned with the region’s physical constraints.

      Aruzhan Meirkhanova

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    The Afghanistan–Pakistan War Poses Awkward Questions for Russia

    Not only does the fighting jeopardize regional security, it undermines Russian attempts to promote alternatives to the Western-dominated world order.

      Ruslan Suleymanov

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Moldova Floats a New Approach to Its Transnistria Conundrum

    Moldova’s reintegration plan was drawn up to demonstrate to Brussels that Chișinău is serious about the Transnistria issue—and to get the West to react.

      Vladimir Solovyov

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Lukashenko’s Bromance With Trump Has a Sell-By Date

    Lukashenko is willing to make big sacrifices for an invitation to Mar-a-Lago or the White House. He also knows that the clock is ticking: he must squeeze as much out of the Trump administration as he can before congressional elections in November leave Trump hamstrung or distracted.

      Artyom Shraibman

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
Carnegie Russia Eurasia logo, white
  • Research
  • Politika
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.