• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Dmitri Trenin"
  ],
  "type": "other",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "Caucasus",
    "Russia",
    "Western Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Domestic Politics",
    "Climate Change",
    "Security",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Other
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

“Moscow the Muscular”: The Loneliness of an Aspiring Power Center

Russia must aim for modernization and use its foreign policy to achieve rapprochement with Europe, North America and the economically and politically developed world at large.

Link Copied
By Dmitri Trenin
Published on Jan 1, 2009

Russian-American and Russian-EU relations face a deep crisis. “Never before in contemporary history have Russia’s relations been so tense with Europe, America, and its nearest neighbors (Ukraine, Georgia, Estonia) all at once.” Russia’s current movement away from Western countries, which it perceives as failed partners, may reap dangerous consequences for Russia’s domestic situation and for the international relations at large.

Trenin writes, “The West hoped that Europe could be organized around the NATO-EU pair, which would naturally ‘attract’ other countries and regions that gravitate toward the Atlantic alliance and the EU, while Russia would be satisfied with formal partnerships with both institutions. The latter assumption proved ill-founded. The policy of ‘engaging Russia’ first sputtered, then helplessly spun its wheels, and finally came to a halt.” Yet until Russia becomes a modern state, it will not be able to play the role in the world that it aspires to.

Any further expansion of NATO would be unacceptable. “Had the Membership Action Plan (MAP) been adopted [for Georgia and Ukraine], the process of integrating the former republics of the USSR into the Atlantic alliance would have become irreversible and relations between Russia and the West would have shifted from a diplomatic stand-off to active political and ‘special services’ warfare, which could inevitably lead to open and direct conflict.” Yet Russia should also review its policies, which have reached a dead-end. The tactic of maintaining “frozen conflicts” on the territory of CIS states has collapsed; a state that aspires to a great power role was in fact unable to provide security right on its own borders, and Moscow’s reluctance to follow the principle of respecting the territorial integrity of post-Soviet states received negative reactions from neighboring countries. The gas crisis also heightened tensions between Russia and Ukraine.

In giving priority to the task of national modernization, Russia must proceed along the path of rapprochement with Europe, North America, and the economically and politically developed world at large.

External pressure on Russia and interference in Russian domestic matters is “useless and senseless.” Yet until Russia becomes a modern state, it will not be able to play the role in the world that it aspires to. The main goal should be Russia’s modernization, and its foreign policy should also serve this goal. In giving priority to the task of national modernization, Russia must proceed along the path of rapprochement with Europe, North America, and the economically and politically developed world at large. “In preparing to work with the new U.S. administration,” writes Trenin, “the Kremlin might pose a question, ‘What does Russia want from America?’ – beyond the three well-known points (don't intrude into the CIS, don't expand NATO, and don't deploy troops or weapons near the Russian borders). For example, how can Russian-American relations be ‘steered’ in a direction that would really help the country modernize?”

Aside from ideas of Russian national interests “it would be beneficial for Russia to think about what it could do for the rest of the world and what responsibilities it should shoulder. Russians need to understand in which spheres they would be able to play the role of a global or regional leader.” If Russia puts emphasis on restoring its dominance in Eurasia, it “will rapidly expend its resources in conflicts with the objects of its ambitions and regional players, and will enter a period of intense competition with both America and Europe.” Such a course will bring about destructive double isolation – from inside and outside – and will block the current modernization project. This is in no one’s interest.

About the Author

Dmitri Trenin

Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center

Trenin was director of the Carnegie Moscow Center from 2008 to early 2022.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Mapping Russia’s New Approach to the Post-Soviet Space

      Dmitri Trenin

  • Commentary
    What a Week of Talks Between Russia and the West Revealed

      Dmitri Trenin

Dmitri Trenin
Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center
Political ReformDomestic PoliticsClimate ChangeSecurityForeign PolicyNorth AmericaUnited StatesCaucasusRussiaWestern Europe

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing Disorder

    Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly Nonpartisan

    For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    Neither Comrade nor Ally: Decoding Vietnam’s First Army Drill with China

    In July 2025, Vietnam and China held their first joint army drill, a modest but symbolic move reflecting Hanoi’s strategic hedging amid U.S.–China rivalry.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    Today’s Rare Earths Conflict Echoes the 1973 Oil Crisis — But It’s Not the Same

    Regulation, not embargo, allows Beijing to shape how other countries and firms adapt to its terms.

      Alvin Camba

  • Commentary
    China’s Mediation Offer in the Thailand-Cambodia Border Dispute Sheds Light on Beijing’s Security Role in Southeast Asia

    The Thai-Cambodian conflict highlights the limits to China's peacemaker ambition and the significance of this role on Southeast Asia’s balance of power.

      Pongphisoot (Paul) Busbarat

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.