Lora Saalman
{
"authors": [
"Lora Saalman"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie China"
],
"collections": [
"China’s Foreign Relations",
"U.S.-China Relations",
"U.S. Nuclear Policy",
"Korean Peninsula"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "NPP",
"programs": [
"Nuclear Policy"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"Middle East",
"Iran",
"East Asia",
"China",
"North Korea"
],
"topics": [
"Nuclear Policy",
"Security",
"Arms Control"
]
}Source: Getty
Balancing Efforts Toward Nuclear Proliferation and Reduction
Since the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are nuclear weapon states, they struggle in their attempts to convince other nations, like Iran and North Korea, not to develop a nuclear weapon program.
Source: Chinalogue

Saalman cast efforts to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon as a necessarily troubled effort to enforce a double standard. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are all nuclear weapon states and they struggle when trying to argue that other nations ought to not develop weaponization programs, Saalman said. She argued that the bellicose rhetoric of the nation’s leaders, the potential for a cascade effect in an already volatile region, and concern about nuclear blackmail are reasons for particular concern when considering the possibility of a nuclear Iran. Jishe noted the challenge of distinguishing between a uranium enrichment program intended for peaceful purposes and one with a military bent.
Jishe and Saalman also examined North Korea’s nuclear weapons program and China’s efforts to convince Pyongyang to engage in negotiations on the denuclearization of the peninsula. Saalman emphasized U.S. concerns about North Korean assistance for future nuclear programs, noting past cooperation with Iran, Syria, and Pakistan.
Saalman and Jishe discussed the need for reconsideration of nuclear arsenals and postures in the post-Cold War period as well. Saalman described the New START treaty mostly reinforcing extant transparency and verification measures. Given the acrimonious debate over New START, though, she predicted that more ambitious efforts will likely face considerable backlash.
About the Author
Former Nonresident Associate, Nuclear Policy Program
Saalman was a nonresident associate in the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Her research focuses on China’s nuclear and strategic policies toward India, Russia, and arms control.
- Balancing Chinese Interests on North Korea and IranPaper
- Why Beijing Stands by PyongyangIn The Media
Lora Saalman
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie China
- When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly NonpartisanCommentary
For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.
Elina Noor
- ASEAN-China Digital Cooperation: Deeper but Clear-Eyed EngagementCommentary
ASEAN needs to determine how to balance perpetuating the benefits of technology cooperation with China while mitigating the risks of getting caught in the crosshairs of U.S.-China gamesmanship.
Elina Noor
- Neither Comrade nor Ally: Decoding Vietnam’s First Army Drill with ChinaCommentary
In July 2025, Vietnam and China held their first joint army drill, a modest but symbolic move reflecting Hanoi’s strategic hedging amid U.S.–China rivalry.
Nguyễn Khắc Giang
- Today’s Rare Earths Conflict Echoes the 1973 Oil Crisis — But It’s Not the SameCommentary
Regulation, not embargo, allows Beijing to shape how other countries and firms adapt to its terms.
Alvin Camba
- How China’s Growth Model Determines Its Climate PerformanceCommentary
Rather than climate ambitions, compatibility with investment and exports is why China supports both green and high-emission technologies.
Mathias Larsen