• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Minxin Pei"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "AP",
  "programs": [
    "Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "East Asia",
    "China"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Democracy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

Three Reasons for Beijing's Current Campaign Against Dissent

China's ongoing crackdown on domestic dissidents stems from a number of factors, including Beijing's fears about potential broader unrest and political posturing ahead of the upcoming leadership transition.

Link Copied
By Minxin Pei
Published on Apr 11, 2011

Source: CNN

Three Reasons for Beijing's Current Campaign AgainWith the arrest of one of China’s most famous artists, Ai Weiwei, in early April, China’s crackdown on domestic dissidents’ movement has reached a new high.

Given his reputation as a world-class artist and a fearless critic of the Chinese government, Mr. Ai is viewed as barometer of the Chinese government’s tolerance of what little dissent there is in China.

In all probability, the decision to put Mr. Ai behind bars must have been made at the highest level - given the all-but-certain international repercussions of such a move.

Mr. Ai’s arrest is the culmination of the recent crackdown on human rights activists, lawyers, and dissidents.   Many have been arrested.  A few have been sentenced to jail terms.

The question is: What is driving the current campaign against dissent in China?

1. Fear of a Jasmine Revolution: The most obvious explanation is that Beijing is deploying pre-emptive tactics to prevent a Chinese “Jasmine Revolution,” however remote the possibility is.  The on-going democratic revolution is the Arab World has surprised and alarmed Chinese leaders.

Even though conditions in China hardly resemble those in the Middle East, Chinese leaders have reason to feel insecure and fearful. After all, inflation is rising; a housing bubble has priced many middle-class individuals out of the market; unemployment among the college-educated is high; popular resentment against official corruption is intense.

So it appears that Beijing would rather err on the side of caution.

2. Leadership jockeying: Another plausible cause is the pending leadership transition, now scheduled for the fall of 2012.  At the moment, jockeying for top leadership positions is at the most delicate stage.  Showing a soft side toward domestic dissent is almost certain to doom an aspiring candidate’s chances for promotion or undercut a patron’s ability to install his protégés into key positions.

In other words, even though some top leaders may not find the idea of arresting someone with Mr. Ai’s fame attractive, they are hardly in a position to object.

3. Responding to the Nobel Peace Prize “offense”: Finally, the arrest of Mr. Ai is most likely a response to the Nobel Peace Prize awarded last year to Mr. Liu Xiaobo, who is serving an 11-year sentence in Beijing for his human rights and pro-democracy activities.

Beijing was outraged by the award, and suffered additional humiliation when its campaign to boycott the award ceremony (which involved preventing many well-known Chinese human rights activists from leaving the country for Norway) attracted even more negative media attention.  Such setbacks notwithstanding, Chinese leaders want to show to the West that they are not going to back down on human rights issues.

How should the West respond? In the short term, the West has few effective options to make Beijing change its mind on human rights.  Other than vocal condemnation - to which Beijing appears to pay no attention - the West has no leverage on China.

Economic interdependence between China and the West has rendered sanctions meaningless.  On occasion, the United States also needs China’s limited cooperation on vital security issues (such as keeping the North Koreans on the reservation).  So an all-out offensive against China’s worsening human rights performance is out of the question.

Ultimately, however, Beijing will pay a significant price for the crackdown.   It may have acquired considerable hard power, but it yearns for respect.  As long as human rights activists like Mr. Ai are languishing in jail, such respect will be in very short supply.

About the Author

Minxin Pei

Former Adjunct Senior Associate, Asia Program

Pei is Tom and Margot Pritzker ‘72 Professor of Government and the director of the Keck Center for International and Strategic Studies at Claremont McKenna College.

    Recent Work

  • In The Media
    How China Can Avoid the Next Conflict

      Minxin Pei

  • In The Media
    Small Change

      Minxin Pei

Minxin Pei
Former Adjunct Senior Associate, Asia Program
Minxin Pei
Political ReformDemocracyEast AsiaChina

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    Emissary
    Trump and Xi Are Angling for Three Years of Stability

    But their "principal to principal" model will only be as effective as the political strength of each leader back home.

      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    China Sells Stability Amid American Volatility

    U.S. unpredictability has allowed China to capitalize on its positioning as the “responsible great power”. Paradoxically, the more China wins the perception game, the more likely expectations will rise for Beijing to deliver not just words but to demonstrate with its deeds.

      Chong Ja Ian

  • Vietnam's Top Leader To Lam meets with young representatives from China and Vietnam participating in the "Red Study Tours" at the Great Hall of the People on April 15, 2026 in Beijing, China. T
    Commentary
    Why Vietnam Is Swinging in China’s Direction

    Hanoi and Beijing have long treated each other as distant cousins rather than comrades in arms. That might be changing as both sides draw closer to hedge against uncertainty and America’s erratic behavior.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of Everything

    Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.


      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Xi walking into a room with people standing and applauding around him
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The Xi Doctrine Zeros in on “High-Quality Development” for China’s Economic Future

    In the latest Five-Year Plan, the Chinese president cements the shift to an innovation-driven economy over a consumption-driven one.

      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.