David Rothkopf
{
"authors": [
"David Rothkopf"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Europe"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States"
],
"topics": [
"Economy"
]
}Source: Getty
The All-Too-Real Phantom Balance Sheet
In the world of modern, interconnected markets, implied liabilities are everywhere that assets or countries or industries are seen as having a shared fate. In order to assess financial risks accurately, implied liabilities must be taken into consideration.
Source: Financial Times

Later, as we grew more sophisticated, we learnt that the balance sheet did not tell all. Thanks to financial “innovators”, a new category of risks was accumulating “off” balance sheet. These risks – such as some of the derivatives deals that banks structured for Greece so it could “borrow” without impacting indicators of fiscal health such as its debt-to-GDP ratios – required analysts to do more detective work and were essentially opaque to average investors.
That made risk assessment and, therefore, risk management much more challenging. And the degree to which Greece’s off-balance sheet predicament – or the similarly hard to track risks borne by financial institutions associated with their derivative exposure – came as a shock to some of the most sophisticated investors and regulators in the world suggests that we still had a long way to go before we could appropriately manage this new reality.
Nonetheless, the problem has become more complicated. Even as markets reeled from the consequences of one set of “innovation”-induced complexities, we have discovered that for countries, at least, there are three balance sheets with which we need to deal in order to assess financial risks accurately. This third might be called the “phantom balance sheet”.
Unlike the official balance sheet and the off-balance sheet-balance sheet, which would count up legally contracted liabilities, the phantom balance sheet carries implied obligations. For example, few investors when weighing the financial obligations of, say, Germany, prior to the Greece crisis would have listed “bailing out Greece” as a national liability for which Berlin was on the hook. But markets concluded otherwise: they would it turned out slam Germany hard – its currency, national debt, economic growth – if it did not step in and provide part of the safety net for Athens. Investors did not think of Greek profligacy as a problem for better managed economies to the north – and investors were wrong.
In the world of modern, interconnected markets, implied liabilities are everywhere that assets or countries or industries are seen as having a shared fate. (We are still in search of offsetting implied assets to offset these new, often huge liabilities.)
AIG and General Motors were not carried on the books as US government liabilities, but if they were too big to fail that meant that the government had an obligation to bail them out. You could argue that this was a political choice, not an obligation. But there are times when the political pressures are so great – when global financial cataclysm is, for example, the perceived alternative – that such a notion is, well, purely notional.
Some might argue this should not be so. But recent experience suggests that is an academic argument. Markets, not theorists or ideologues, will determine where such liabilities lie. For investors, for regulators and for government financial officials, it is time our risk assessment tools corresponded to the real risks that exist.
Further, this latest “balance sheet” invites the creation of an almost endless supply of further risks. If markets continue to believe there are entire classes of assets that governments just will not have the guts to cut loose, this third balance sheet has infinite expansion possibilities. All it will take is for the markets to send a message that a faltering major bank or company or country would produce massive repercussions were there to be to a big sell-off and the governments will be expected to act. This in turn creates huge burdens on the governments that most can ill-afford.
Realistically, the third balance sheet is here to stay. Investors must recognise this and assess the obligations that federal treasuries must bear in a way that takes all three types of obligation into account. But we must also acknowledge the third balance sheet reeks of moral hazards that may outstrip the risks that policymakers are trying to avoid. The only way to contain those risks will be to demonstrate that some that are “too big” will actually be allowed to fail and that we will absorb pain today to avoid worse pain tomorrow.
Otherwise, the third balance sheet will continue to grow until it is the one containing the greatest risks of all.
Originally published in the Financial Times, June 14, 2010
About the Author
Former Visiting Scholar
David Rothkopf was a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment as well as the former CEO and editor in chief of the FP Group.
- How Bush, Obama, and Trump Ended Pax AmericanaIn The Media
- A Bigger ClubhouseIn The Media
David Rothkopf
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Europe
- A Black Sea Truce Is About Global Food Security, TooCommentary
A summer of escalation in the Black Sea has hurt Ukraine economically and is exacerbating world food security. A truce is needed—as is a broader reframing of Europe’s Ukraine strategy.
Thomas de Waal
- The Speech Ursula von der Leyen Can’t DeliverCommentary
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is about to give her annual address on the state of the EU. Here’s what she won’t—but should—say.
Rym Momtaz
- How Europe’s 2027 Elections Could Test EU GovernanceArticle
Radical-right parties are expected to do well in upcoming elections in four of the EU's biggest member states. If successful, they could prevent the union from addressing key challenges ahead.
Stefan Lehne
- Taking the Pulse: Is Canada Leading a Third Way?Commentary
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has twice inspired praise for standing up to U.S. President Donald Trump: at the 2026 World Economic Forum in Davos and on Canada-U.S. trade negotiations. Is Carney showing a third way better than the EU has in dealing with the Trump administration?
Rym Momtaz, ed.
- Europe’s Overseas Countries and Territories as Geopolitical AssetsArticle
European states control several Overseas Countries and Territories around the world that carry strategic, economic, and environmental weight. As great powers challenge the rules-based order, defending them is a geopolitical imperative for Europe.
Marc Pierini