“Sisi’s Egypt” might last as long as “Pinochet’s Chile” or “Salazar’s Portugal.” But that will not be because it is well designed—or even designed at all.
“Sisi’s Egypt” might last as long as “Pinochet’s Chile” or “Salazar’s Portugal.” But that will not be because it is well designed—or even designed at all.
On the eve of Egypt’s much-hyped economic conference, the status of the Egyptian economy remains mixed in the context of deteriorating security conditions and a repressive political climate.
Despite his call for a “religious revolution” in Islam, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s gestures fit into a pattern of instrumentalizing religion for political purposes. Religious freedom under Sisi’s presidency may not be worse than it was under Mubarak or Morsi, but it is certainly no better.
After successful elections, Tunisia forges ahead with its political transition, with speculations that the country’s two main political parties—the staunchly secular Nidaa Tounes and the Islamist Ennahda—are moving towards reconciliation.
By inserting divisive rhetoric into the political debate and exploiting an increasingly polarized populace, Tunisian presidential candidates Beji Caid Essebsi and Moncef Marzouki are both helping to undermine the democratic institutions and culture they so vehemently claim to support.
Nearly four years into its transition, Tunisia has successfully navigated multiple political crises, produced a constitution, and staged successful parliamentary elections. The country exemplifies that democracy can be successful in the Arab world.
As the Egyptian government’s crackdown on dissent broadened over the last year, university campuses have increasingly been in the crosshairs as one of the last remaining spaces for dissent.
In the absence of parliament, the Sisi government is laying the foundation for officials to act with sweeping powers—and little accountability.