Borrowing from the World Bank not only makes economic sense for China but it also benefits the World Bank.
If they win in the 2020 U.S. presidential elections, could the Democrats improve the mangled relationship between the United States and China? Here is a playbook for a better approach.
China is trying to repave the road to international development by emphasizing commercial ventures instead of handouts. But there have been plenty of bumps along the way.
Rather than pursuing a bilateral solution, a wider forum is needed to discuss technology transfer in an era of rising global techno-nationalism.
The world’s two largest economies are locked in competition. What drives their different narratives, and how should they avoid a larger confrontation?
While frictions between the United States and China in the areas of trade, investment, and technology development are certainly important, in fact the most critical driver of potential instability between Washington and Beijing consists of clashing security perceptions and policies.
The decision to remain in the General Security of Military Information Agreement, or GSOMIA, represents a step in the right direction when South Korea, Japan, and their ally the United States face significant obstacles from China and North Korea to maintaining stability in the region.
November brought about a variety of setbacks for Japan related to North Korea. For Japan, close partnership and policy coordination with the United States is vital to managing this challenge.
In receiving the French president, Chinese leadership has shown it is willing to develop long-term relations with the most important Western countries, including those in Europe that have been at the core of the EU’s new China strategy.
Technonationalists, whatever their nationality, take a strategic view of industry and technology. They view it as fundamental to national security and economic competitiveness and take on faith that economic policies must have strategic underpinnings.