For a president who was determined to break the mold in South-North relations and to support the normalization of U.S.-North Korea ties, Moon seems poised to leave office with his biggest foreign policy mark on the reinvigoration of the Seoul-Washington alliance.
The relationship between China and the United States is the central drama of global politics today. It captures and defines the current era: great-power rivalry, ideological competition, the diffusion of advanced technology, and the weakening of U.S. hegemony.
China’s new digital currency, the e-CNY, could give Beijing valuable information about financial transactions and be used by Chinese firms to sidestep U.S. sanctions. But in order for it to meet lofty ambitions, there are some tricky structural questions that must be worked out first.
South Korea is bracing for a momentous demographic shift that could be a bellwether of how other countries around the world will deal with aging populations in the decades to come.
We are now six months into the new administration of President Joe Biden, in the middle of his plans to “build back better” for the United States. But when it comes to policies related to China, there is not yet much to see that gives concrete meaning to that slogan.
Despite public perceptions, Philippine ruling elites concerned with political expediency, not Chinese actors, are often the key culprits sidestepping social and environmental safeguards on infrastructure projects. Chinese players generally have accommodated these Philippine demands.
China has intensified its economic engagement with Pakistan by cultivating influential political elites. But the deeper story of Chinese inroads is the diversification of ties to local stakeholders, notably in the education, media, and energy sectors.
Many observers view Pakistan as a test case for China’s assertive overseas expansion plans. But sometimes, it is Chinese players who have had to adapt to Islamabad’s realities.
When South Korean President Moon Jae-in meets U.S. President Joe Biden, North Korea will be on the agenda. But the two leaders should prioritize a broader range of issues.
China’s economic structure and financing mechanisms are fundamentally different from the United States’ and, consequently, its experience investing in infrastructure only highlights how difficult it will be for the United States to actually compete in these terms.