Sufyan Alissa
{
"authors": [
"Sufyan Alissa"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "democracy",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center",
"programAffiliation": "DCG",
"programs": [
"Democracy, Conflict, and Governance",
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Middle East"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Democracy",
"Economy"
]
}Source: Getty
Economic Reform A Remedy for Public Debt
Source: Dar Al-Hayat

In Lebanon, for example, the public debt hit $42 billion in 2006 (185% of the GDP in the same year). In Egypt, the public debt reached about 110% of the GDP in 2006. Perhaps the most important reasons for debt accumulation are the high volume of public spending in these countries, especially in the non-productive areas; the high prices of imported materials, such as fuels; the low tax revenues, because of the small-sized levies due to the weakness of economic activity and the decline in tariffs; the absence of effective mechanisms for collecting taxes, and tax evasion by many citizens and businessmen due to the absence of confidence in the economic programs and their governments' policies.
Decision-makers in the Arab countries often avoid talking about the rampant corruption of the public sector and senior politicians. This corruption has led to the waste of public money, and has remarkably contributed to the accumulation of debt in these countries. Several Arab countries have topped the Transparency International's list of corruption-riddled countries. It is no coincidence that several countries that are classified as suffering from a high level of corruption are also suffering from a high level of public debt.
The efforts aimed at reducing the public debt and providing the cash needed to pay off the debts of these countries revolve around three possibilities:
The first is related to the increase in government revenues. It is known that the volume of government revenues is linked to the collection of taxes and customs. Arab countries are suffering from a clear imbalance in this context due to the lack of frameworks and effective mechanisms for collecting taxes and customs, the absence of trust in Arab governments and their programs, in line with the principle of 'no taxation without representation'; in addition to the weakness of economic activity in a number of Arab economies. Several Arab countries have resorted to changing tax and customs laws and applying more effective criteria for the collection of taxes.
The second possibility is linked to rationalizing government expenditure: some Arab countries have resorted to reducing the level of subsidies for the citizen's essential needs, such as bread and fuel. They have also denationalized some public sector institutions to reduce the government payroll and improve the public sector performance. According to a number of studies, the public sector in Arab countries is still suffering from weak management and limited effectiveness. These policies have drawn a wave of protests from the areas that have been affected by these policies.
The third possibility pertains to international aid: over the past years, international financial assistance has helped a number of Arab States, such as Jordan and Egypt, to cover a great part of government expenditures. This money was used to put off the process of comprehensive economic reform, instead of using them to reduce the side effects that could accompany the economic transformation resulting from short- and medium-term reforms.
Data shows that the volume of international assistance for many Arab States has taken a downward turn in recent years, and there is no guarantee that it will continue to flow in, in the future. This assistance is linked to political interests that are changing according to the atmosphere in the region.
The Arab experience in the management of the public debt indicates that we need a radical solution to the issue of the public debt. This solution requires a comprehensive reform program that addresses all the economic problems, especially those related to the political and institutional arrangements in the Arab countries.
It is high time for the comprehensive economic reform to become a top national priority so that economic reform can be transformed from an issue that worries the technocrats into one that is the center of national focus. This can only be achieved through joint action between Arab governments, businessmen, and civil society by agreeing on common principles and devising urgent plans of action to implement comprehensive economic reform programs.
* Mr. Sufyan Alissa is a Senior Associate at the Carnegie Middle East Center
About the Author
Former Associate, Middle East Center
- Arab States: Corruption and ReformCommentary
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- In Russia, Private Companies Have Been Left to Pick Up the Tab for Ukrainian Drone AttacksCommentary
The cost of air defense has become an unregistered tax on revenue for businesses. While military rents are consolidated in the federal budget, the costs of defense are being spread across the balance sheets of companies and regional governments.
Alexandra Prokopenko
- Could the Rise of the New People Party Reshape Russia’s Managed Political System?Commentary
Anger over online restrictions has led to a surge in support for the New People party, which has replaced the Communists as Russia’s second most popular political party.
Andrey Pertsev
- In Russia, the Public Mood Is SouringCommentary
The Russian regime is now visibly motivated by fear.
Alexander Baunov
- The Rada Reawakens: Ukraine’s Messy Politics ReturnsCommentary
The return of parliamentary politics reflects a broader shift from earlier expectations of a settlement and elections toward the reality of a prolonged war.
Balázs Jarábik
- Who Is Responsible for the Demise of the Russian Internet?Commentary
The Russian state has opted for complete ideological control of the internet and is prepared to bear the associated costs.
Maria Kolomychenko