Alexey Malashenko
{
"authors": [
"Alexey Malashenko"
],
"type": "commentary",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Caucasus",
"Russia"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Security",
"Religion"
]
}Source: Getty
The Chechen Connection?
It is impossible to imagine Ramzan Kadyrov calling his subordinates and directly instructing them to commit the murder of Boris Nemtsov. However, the xenophobia and fear of the West characteristic of some segments of Russia’s Muslim community, including Muslims in the North Caucasus, creates a favorable climate for such acts.
The Chechen connection has been made in connection to the murder of Boris Nemtsov, one of the leaders of the non-system liberal opposition. So far five suspects have been arrested in this case. The murder’s organizer, Zaur Dadayev, has already admitted his guilt, while his accomplice, Beslan Shavanov, killed himself during his arrest. Dadayev explained that Nemtsov had insulted Islam in the past and was punished for it.
The story conjures up associations with the Charlie Hebdo incident in which the magazine’s staff were shot and killed for publishing cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad. Afterwards, millions of outraged French citizens took to the street to protest the actions of the Islamist extremists and reassert Europeans’ right to self-expression.
Al Qaeda was behind the Paris murders—at least, that’s what many analysts think. But who was behind Nemtsov’s murder?
Although journalists often point to Ramzan Kadyrov, I find it hard to believe. I can’t imagine the Chechen leader calling his subordinates and directly instructing them to commit this crime. He has nothing to gain from it.
But the xenophobia and fear of the West characteristic of some segments of Russia’s Muslim community, including Muslims in the North Caucasus, creates a favorable climate for such acts. Islamic anti-Westernism matches the official Russian ideology, which focuses more on criticizing the tolerance and amorality of the West than on condemning terrorist attacks themselves. We have come full circle.
The actual mastermind of Nemstov’s murder will never be found because, in all likelihood, such an individual doesn’t exist. Incidentally, just a week after the Moscow tragedy, Ramzan Kadyrov was awarded the Order of Honor, once again proving the adage that “Caesar’s wife must be above suspicion” (or Caesar’s brother in this instance). The Kremlin continues to trust Kadyrov and is not about to distance itself from him as a result of his charges’ actions.
Those responsible—the murderers, that is—will certainly be punished. They might get off relatively lightly, though—after all, they acted in the name of their faith. For their part, Russian liberals should be more careful now. From this point on, besides being punished by the regime, they will also be targeted by terrorists, whose views sometimes coincide with those of the regime.
This post addresses only the one, most-talked-about theory of the murder, but we shouldn’t completely dismiss other possibilities. Besides, “the Chechen connection” does raise some questions. For instance, those that kill from behind usually don’t kill for their faith—this is a sign of cowardice. Also, the case has been solved surprisingly quickly, given the usual sluggish pace of Russian investigations. Moreover, the North Caucasus’s involvement in the killing may lead to the escalation of interethnic tensions. There are other holes in the Chechen story, but the investigators are unlikely to discard it at this point.
This publication originally appeared in Russian.
About the Author
Former Scholar in Residence, Religion, Society, and Security Program
Malashenko is a former chair of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Religion, Society, and Security Program.
- What Will Uzbekistan’s New President Do?Commentary
- Preserving the Calm in Russia’s Muslim CommunityCommentary
Alexey Malashenko
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Is Frustration With Armenia’s Pashinyan Enough to Bring the Pro-Russia Opposition to Power?Commentary
It’s true that many Armenians would vote for anyone just to be rid of Pashinyan, whom they blame for the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, but the pro-Russia opposition is unlikely to be able to channel that frustration into an electoral victory.
Mikayel Zolyan
- Will Hungary’s New Leader Really Change EU Policy on Russia and Ukraine?Commentary
Orbán created an image for himself as virtually the only opponent of aid to Ukraine in the entire EU. But in reality, he was simply willing to use his veto to absorb all the backlash, allowing other opponents to remain in the shadows.
Maksim Samorukov
- Is There a Place for Russia in the New Race Back to the Moon?Commentary
Despite having the resources and expertise, the Russian space industry missed the opportunity to offer the United States or China a mutually rewarding partnership in the lunar race.
Georgy Trishkin
- Conspiracy Theories Are Eclipsing the Real Dangers of Russia’s Messaging App MaxCommentary
The internet is awash not only with instructions from digital security experts, but also with urban legends and conspiracy theories that divert attention away from the real dangers of Max.
David Frenkel
- Blocking of Telegram App Sparks Rare Public Rift Among Russia’s ElitesCommentary
The prospect of a total block on Russia’s most popular messaging app has sparked disagreement between the regime’s political managers and its security agencies.
Andrey Pertsev