• Research
  • Politika
  • About
Carnegie Russia Eurasia center logoCarnegie lettermark logo
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Judy Dempsey"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "EP",
  "programs": [
    "Europe"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Europe",
    "Western Europe",
    "Iran"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy",
    "EU",
    "Security"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie Europe

Europe Isn’t Prepared for What 2017 May Bring

Europe has been so weakened by the tumultuous events of 2016 that it is left unprepared to deal with the big foreign policy challenges of 2017.

Link Copied
By Judy Dempsey
Published on Dec 27, 2016

Source: Washington Post

Europe has been so weakened by the tumultuous events of 2016 that it is left unprepared to deal with the three big foreign policy challenges of 2017.

The first is Donald Trump, who in January enters the White House as the next American president. The second is the increasing power of Vladimir Putin, the Russian president who feels emboldened after the collapse of the Syrian city of Aleppo. The third is terrorism.

In 2016, the decision by the British to quit the European Union has robbed Europe of a member state that had a long tradition and experience in security, intelligence-gathering and defense.

The euro crisis continues to haunt the union. The fragile Italian banking system and the resignation of Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi were the latest casualties of the bloc’s financial woes and the weakness of its common currency.

As for the refugee crisis, although the numbers reaching Europe have decreased, the human tide from the Middle East is being conflated with the most recent terrorist attacks, including the one in Berlin on Dec. 19. That attack exposed major failings by all E.U. member states. Their leaders have singularly failed to agree on a comprehensive asylum and refugee policy to check who enters the bloc. They have failed to secure Europe’s borders. And above all, they have yet to put in place an intelligence-sharing system or a strong security and defense policy.

The result is that Trump’s and Putin’s policies are going to test Europe’s ability to defend itself. Putin can only gain from a weakened Europe and a U.S. president who questions America’s commitment to Europe. By spreading disinformation, supporting populist movements and cooperating with leading European politicians in France, the Netherlands and Austria, the Kremlin has the ability to divide Europe. For example, Putin’s United Russia party signed a cooperation agreement with Austria’s far-right Freedom Party just weeks after its candidate was narrowly defeated in a presidential contest by an independent pro-European politician. Freedom Party leader Heinz-Christian Strache and other populist leaders in Europe want E.U. sanctions on Russia lifted.

As for Trump, his apparent intention to adopt a more pragmatic working relationship with the Kremlin will expose the inherent weaknesses of America’s European allies. For one thing, they are in no position to defend themselves against Russia if the United States weakens its security commitment.

Successive U.S. administrations have warned Europe to spend more on its own defense. Despite all the lip service paid by E.U. leaders to strengthening security, defense and intelligence-sharing policy, they have done little to make any of these pledges credible, as the terrorist attacks confirm.

“Europe is in a security crisis,” Julian Lindley-French, a veteran British security expert, argued. “Yet again the seemingly total inability of Europe’s leaders to properly secure and defend the very European citizens who elevate them has been revealed.”

The suspect in the Berlin terrorist attack, Anis Amri, was able to wander from Italy to Germany and back through France to Milan even though he was convicted of burning a detention center while in Italy. The German security services had him under observation but allowed him to slip through the net.

Looking back at 2016, Brexit and the euro, refugee and terrorist crises could have been the opportunity for the E.U. to pull together through further economic and political integration, including intelligence-sharing and a proper asylum and refugee policy. The opposite happened.

The member states are setting their own policies as populist movements across Europe chisel away at the E.U. Some of these movements are frustrated by the inability of the elites to address, among other issues, security and terrorism.

Others, such as the Polish and Hungarian governments, believe the nation state should take precedence over a Brussels bureaucracy that they see as remote and interfering over values such as the rule of law and the judiciary even thought these countries signed up to these standards when they joined the E.U. in 2004.

Such is the specter facing Europe in 2017: an American president who tells his European allies to pay up if they want America’s security to continue, and a Russian president whose policies are aimed at destroying the transatlantic alliance and weakening the E.U. But instead of reacting by pulling together, E.U. leaders seem to have left their citizens defenseless and vulnerable and the bloc increasingly less credible to deal with a new U.S. administration and Russia.

This article was originally published by the Washington Post with the title “A weakened Europe isn’t prepared for what 2017 may bring.”

About the Author

Judy Dempsey

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe

Judy Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Europe Needs to Hear What America is Saying

      Judy Dempsey

  • Commentary
    Babiš’s Victory in Czechia Is Not a Turning Point for European Populists

      Judy Dempsey

Judy Dempsey
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Judy Dempsey
Foreign PolicyEUSecurityEuropeWestern EuropeIran

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    The Much-Touted Middle Corridor Transport Route Could Prove a Dead End

    For the Middle Corridor to fulfill its promises, one of these routes must become scalable. At present, neither is.

      Friedrich Conradi

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What Does Nuclear Proliferation in East Asia Mean for Russia?

    Troubled by the growing salience of nuclear debates in East Asia, Moscow has responded in its usual way: with condemnation and threats. But by exacerbating insecurity, Russia is forcing South Korea and Japan to consider radical security options.

      James D.J. Brown

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Is Opposition to Online Restrictions an Inflection Point for the Russian Regime?

    After four years of war, there is no one who can stand up to the security establishment, and President Vladimir Putin is increasingly passive. 

      Tatiana Stanovaya

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What’s Having More Impact on Russian Oil Export Revenues: Ukrainian Strikes or Rising Prices?

    Although Ukrainian strikes have led to a noticeable decline in the physical volume of Russian oil exports, the rise in prices has more than made up for it.

      • Sergey Vakulenko

      Sergey Vakulenko

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Russia Is Meddling for Meddling’s Sake in the Middle East

    The Russian leadership wants to avoid a dangerous precedent in which it is squeezed out of Iran by the United States and Israel—and left powerless to respond in any meaningful way.

      Nikita Smagin

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
Carnegie Russia Eurasia logo, white
  • Research
  • Politika
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.