• Research
  • Politika
  • About
Carnegie Russia Eurasia center logoCarnegie lettermark logo
  • Donate
REQUIRED IMAGE

REQUIRED IMAGE

Article

Does Moscow Know Something That Washington Doesn't?

The Russian Atomic Energy Agency announced on September 1 that additional troops had been dispatched to guard nuclear facilities throughout Russia.The troop move is a sign that Russia recognizes that the threat to its nuclear facilities. US programs to assist Russian nuclear security also need to recognize that the threat has changed and move to accelerate and expand ongoing efforts.

Link Copied
By Jon Wolfsthal
Published on Sep 2, 2004

The Russian Atomic Energy Agency announced on September 1 that additional troops had been dispatched to guard nuclear facilities throughout Russia. The move comes in the wake of a series of attacks from Chechen rebels, including the downing of two Russian aircraft, a subway bombing in downtown Moscow and a recent school seizure. The troop move is a sign that Russia recognizes that the threat to its nuclear facilities is growing and that additional steps must be taken to protect its stocks of nuclear materials and weapons. US programs to assist Russian nuclear security also need to recognize that the threat has changed and move to accelerate and expand ongoing efforts.

Despite these risks, as well as statements from top officials, the United States has not been doing all it can to protect Russian nuclear materials and weapons. While some important initiatives have been launched, the recent legacy of nuclear security programs in Russia has been disappointing. According to a major Harvard University study, fewer Russian nuclear materials were secured in the two years after the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001 than in the two years prior to the attacks. Moreover, at its current pace, US-assisted security upgrades will not be completed until well into the next decade, even though the government states it will complete them by 2008.

More Security, Deeper Cuts
In addition, the Bush administration arms reduction policies have increased the risk of Russian nuclear weapons being stolen. The President’s fateful decision not to include verification procedures or requirements for warhead elimination in the Treaty of Moscow means that Russia is retaining a larger nuclear arsenal than it needed and storing those weapons longer than it wants as a hedge against possible US rearmament. The Moscow agreement codified the decision in both countries to reduce their strategic deployed offensive arsenal to no more than 2200 weapons. Despite statements at the time, the Bush administration has made no efforts to follow up on the 2002 agreement with deeper cuts, to reduce tactical nuclear weapons, or to enhance the treaty’s verification procedures.

Even though the nature of the threat to Russia’s nuclear complex is increasing, US and international efforts to assist Russia to improve nuclear security are not keeping pace. Business as usual will not protect Russia’s nuclear materials or weapons, or American security. Programs now being implemented were designed to protect against insider theft and lightly armed attacks against Russian facilities. The growing sophistication of the attacks in Russia means that current programs may be addressing only one part of a more complex problem. Russia appears to have recognized this fact and is taking some modest steps to increase its own efforts. The US and its allies need to do the same by speeding up efforts to protect nuclear and chemical weapons sites, and take a more comprehensive approach to helping Russia eliminate its excess materials and warheads. This, finally, should include steps to accelerate the reductions called for in the Treaty of Moscow, verify those cuts, and eliminate the warheads slated for withdrawal from deployment. Anything less is courting disaster.

About the Author

Jon Wolfsthal

Jon Wolfsthal
North AmericaUnited StatesCaucasusRussiaForeign Policy

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Why Has Kazakhstan Started Deporting Political Activists?

    The current U.S. indifference to human rights means Astana no longer has any incentive to refuse extradition requests from its authoritarian neighbors—including Russia.

      Temur Umarov

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Why Are China and Russia Not Rushing to Help Iran?

    Most of Moscow’s military resources are tied up in Ukraine, while Beijing’s foreign policy prioritizes economic ties and avoids direct conflict.   

      • Alexander Gabuev

      Alexander Gabuev, Temur Umarov

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Georgia’s Fall From U.S. Favor Heralds South Caucasus Realignment

    With the White House only interested in economic dealmaking, Georgia finds itself eclipsed by what Armenia and Azerbaijan can offer.

      Bashir Kitachaev

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What Does War in the Middle East Mean for Russia–Iran Ties?

    If the regime in Tehran survives, it could be obliged to hand Moscow significant political influence in exchange for supplies of weapons and humanitarian aid.

      Nikita Smagin

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    How Trump’s Wars Are Boosting Russian Oil Exports

    The interventions in Iran and Venezuela are in keeping with Trump’s strategy of containing China, but also strengthen Russia’s position.

      • Mikhail Korostikov

      Mikhail Korostikov

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
Carnegie Russia Eurasia logo, white
  • Research
  • Politika
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Privacy
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.