But their "principal to principal" model will only be as effective as the political strength of each leader back home.
Damien Ma
{
"authors": [],
"type": "pressRelease",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Middle East",
"North Africa",
"Egypt",
"Algeria",
"Morocco",
"Lebanon",
"Jordan",
"Palestine",
"Syria",
"Kuwait",
"Saudi Arabia",
"Yemen"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Democracy",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}REQUIRED IMAGE
The vast array of reforms implemented by Arab governments over the last two decades have been superficial and designed to present a façade of reform while maintaining the concentration of power among authoritarian rulers.
WASHINGTON, Jan 22—The vast array of reforms implemented by Arab governments over the last two decades have been superficial and designed to present a façade of reform while maintaining the concentration of power among authoritarian rulers, says a new book from the Carnegie Endowment. By imposing key elements of democracy—elections, parliaments, economic reform, human rights—without truly redistributing power, Arab governments have appeased the international community, who wish to promote democracy, without risking destabilization.
In Beyond the Façade: Political Reform in the Arab World, editors Marina Ottaway, director of the Carnegie Middle East Program, and Julia Choucair-Vizoso, a former Carnegie associate, analyze the reform process in ten countries—Syria, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Palestine, Algeria, Morocco, Jordan, Egypt, Kuwait, and Yemen—and present the sources of and obstacles to political change in the Arab world.
Key Conclusions:
“What we have not witnessed so far is any example of outside pressure convincing the incumbent government to expose itself to competition that might results in its ouster from power. Nor is it clear whether the United States and other outsiders pushing for reform really want to see the enactment of measures that could lead to a political paradigm change with unforeseeable consequences. Modest, even cosmetic, change often accommodates the political requirements of both incumbent governments and outsiders better than far-reaching measures with unpredictable consequences,” the editors conclude.
###

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
But their "principal to principal" model will only be as effective as the political strength of each leader back home.
Damien Ma
U.S. unpredictability has allowed China to capitalize on its positioning as the “responsible great power”. Paradoxically, the more China wins the perception game, the more likely expectations will rise for Beijing to deliver not just words but to demonstrate with its deeds.
Chong Ja Ian
Hanoi and Beijing have long treated each other as distant cousins rather than comrades in arms. That might be changing as both sides draw closer to hedge against uncertainty and America’s erratic behavior.
Nguyễn Khắc Giang
Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.
Damien Ma
Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.
Elina Noor