Q&A
- +1
Amr Hamzawy, Andrew Leber, Eric Lob, …
{
"authors": [
"Marwan Muasher"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"Middle East",
"Israel",
"Palestine",
"Levant"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Security",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}
Source: Getty
In The Media
Talks In Mideast May Hinge On Two-State Solution
The peace process between Israelis and Palestinians have been marked by minor steps forward and major ones back. Now, the two sides are talking again for the first time in three years.
Published on Aug 3, 2013
Source: NPR’s Weekend Edition
LINDA WERTHEIMER, HOST:
In the Middle East, the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians have been marred by minor steps forward and major ones back. Now, the two sides are talking again for the first time in three years. This week, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with negotiators to set the stage for conversations expected to last for months. Of course, since the last meetings of the two parties, the whole region has been through some massive changes, namely the Arab Spring. We spoke with Marwan Muasher of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he oversees research on the Middle East. He says the talks are important for a couple of reasons.
MARWAN MUASHER: One, because the chances for a two-state solution are closing with the demographic issue with the number of settlements in the West Bank and also the Arab Spring has had the added effect of Arab governments that are now more democratic, answering to their people, and so probably more critical of the Israeli occupation than the previous governments were. So, whereas the chances for peace have always been rather slim, I'm afraid that if peace does not come to the Middle East anytime soon, we might have the window closed for the foreseeable future.WERTHEIMER: Do you think that the negotiators on, I don't know, should we say all three sides are factoring that into their discussions?
MUASHER: I am not very hopeful. I think both the Palestinians and the Israelis have impediments that are standing in the way of a settlement. The Israeli government basically ideologically would find it difficult to give the compromises necessary for a two-state solution. And the Palestinians on the other side are not convinced that they will get any solution that would be acceptable by the people. That is why I think it is important for a third party, such as the United States, to bring to the table at some point a guiding parameter that will guide the negotiators as they attempt an agreement.
WERTHEIMER: I guess one of the problems that these negotiators are going to face are unstable Syria, unstable Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon. So, how do you think that changes the way in which the negotiators move forward?
MUASHER: The Arab Spring does affect what is going on in the region. Ten years ago, the Arab peace initiative was launched by all Arab states, promising peace and security for Israel and all Arab states, not just those Arab states that have contiguous borders with Israel. But 10 years later, this has not happened and these Arab states are now - some of them - Egypt, Syria, are entangled in their own domestic issues which will maybe prevent them from offering the kind of support that the Palestinians in particular might now. But let's remember, the process that Secretary Kerry is launching is a Palestinian-Israeli agreement. It is not one between Israel and Syria or Israel and Lebanon.
WERTHEIMER: So, what do you think is the possibility that Secretary Kerry can accomplish something? What do you think would look like success to him in nine months?
MUASHER: Success, obviously, would be in the form of an agreement reached. And I think that to do so, Secretary Kerry is going to have to enlist the support, the proactive support, of the White House. That is the missing formula so far. Whereas the White House, of course, has offered its generous support, no agreement between the Palestinians and the Israelis have been possible. If it involved only the efforts of the State Department and did not invoke at some stage the active participation of the White House, of the U.S. president himself, what looks to be the case, is that the White House feels that this has a very small chance of success and therefore has given the secretary some general form of support that the parties in the region do not see as enough to sort of push them into an agreement that has that support.
WERTHEIMER: Marwan Muasher oversees research on the Middle East at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Thank you very much.
MUASHER: Thank you.
This interview was originally broadcast on NPR’s Weekend Edition.
About the Author
Marwan Muasher
Vice President for Studies
Marwan Muasher is vice president for studies at Carnegie, where he oversees research in Washington and Beirut on the Middle East. Muasher served as foreign minister (2002–2004) and deputy prime minister (2004–2005) of Jordan, and his career has spanned the areas of diplomacy, development, civil society, and communications.
- The Myriad Problems With the Iran Ceasefire
- The Iran War Is Uncovering the Weakness in U.S.-Gulf TiesCommentary
Marwan Muasher
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie China
- Trump and Xi Are Angling for Three Years of StabilityCommentary
But their "principal to principal" model will only be as effective as the political strength of each leader back home.
Damien Ma
- China Sells Stability Amid American VolatilityCommentary
U.S. unpredictability has allowed China to capitalize on its positioning as the “responsible great power”. Paradoxically, the more China wins the perception game, the more likely expectations will rise for Beijing to deliver not just words but to demonstrate with its deeds.
Chong Ja Ian
- Why Vietnam Is Swinging in China’s DirectionCommentary
Hanoi and Beijing have long treated each other as distant cousins rather than comrades in arms. That might be changing as both sides draw closer to hedge against uncertainty and America’s erratic behavior.
Nguyễn Khắc Giang
- China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of EverythingCommentary
Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.
Damien Ma
- Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing DisorderCommentary
Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.
Elina Noor
