• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Judy Dempsey"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "Europe’s Eastern Neighborhood"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "EP",
  "programs": [
    "Europe"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Russia",
    "Europe",
    "Eastern Europe",
    "Ukraine",
    "Western Europe",
    "Germany",
    "Iran"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie Europe

Europe Is Completely Divided Over How to Respond to Russia

Europe is divided over how to respond to Russia’s invasion of Crimea. The most powerful figure in the diplomatic tango is Germany’s Angela Merkel.

Link Copied
By Judy Dempsey
Published on Mar 4, 2014

Source: Public Radio International

Europe is scrambling to defuse the crisis over Russia’s incursion into the Crimean region of Ukraine. And the most powerful figure in the diplomatic tango is Germany’s Angela Merkel.

Merkel speaks Russian, grew up in the former Communist East Germany and leads the most powerful country in Europe. But so far, she has not been able to lead European leaders to a single point of view. Nor is there a unified view even in her own country.

“Berlin is quite divided about this,” says Judy Dempsey of Carnegie Europe. “[Merkel] knows Vladimir Putin. She knows his KGB past. She has a very difficult relationship with him and she knows exactly what’s at stake.”

But Dempsey says the German Foreign Ministry is controlled by the Social Democrats. “They’re very much this old-fashioned, ostpolitik, with a ‘keep talking, move slowly, don’t alienate Russia’ approach to dealing with Moscow.” So Dempsey says it will be up to Merkel to decide how tough Germany will be with Russia. “And what Merkel decides will influence the overall EU attitude.”

The divisions within Europe over how to respond to the crisis mirror the divisions within Germany. Dempsey finds this astonishing given the potential for instability.

“There are experts, including Russian experts, who believe that Putin won’t stop just at Crimea, that he might just go a step further, toward Odessa.” Dempsey says the implications for neighboring Moldova would be huge — and Merkel knows this.

“She has to decide which way she’s going to jump and, once she jumps, she’ll have to bring in the other EU member states behind her.” But Dempsey says that won’t be easy.

“At the moment they’re just so divided. They can’t agree on the sanctions. They can’t agree on the policies. They can’t agree how tough they should be. They have no hard power. This is all about soft power and they can’t even agree how to use soft power.”

Sweden wants tough sanctions against Russia. So does Poland. The Baltic states want much tougher action against Russia.

“Italy is saying, ‘Oh well, another crisis. We can’t corner Putin,’” Dempsey says. Britain hasn’t gotten tough yet, but she thinks Prime Minister David Cameron might move in that direction, with a caveat.

“Britain may come around to being much tougher, but remember, if Britain agrees to sanctions on assets, well, you know where most of Russia’s assets are at the moment? They’re in London,” she explains.

France, Dempsey says, is slightly ambiguous. “They’re willing to give diplomacy a chance. If push comes to shove, I think President Hollande will go for sanctions, depending on what they are and whether anyone can agree on sanctions.”

Part of Germany’s influence with Moscow is that it is Russia’s most important trading partner, mostly in oil and energy. And there are more than 5,000 German companies with operations in Russia. Dempsey doesn’t believe Putin will stop German companies from operating or void their contracts because Russia needs German know-how and technology.

“If he restricted German businesses in Russia, he would lose an awful lot and, at the end of the day, the Russian economy would suffer.”

Dempsey believes the Russian economy is the key to ending the crisis. “Yesterday and today, the stock markets in Russia plummeted to the lowest in five years. $12 billion have been wiped off Gasprom, Russia’s state energy monopoly, which is Putin’s political and economic instrument.”

She says Russia’s central bank is trying to prop up the ruble and she thinks capital flight from foreign investors will probably be accelerated because of the crisis in Crimea. “This isn’t going to be a short crisis,” says Dempsey, who added that the same things happened during the 2008 crisis when Russia invaded Georgia.

“This is different. This is big time. This is Ukraine. If this is sustained, this sort of chiseling into stock markets and into Russian capital and foreign direct investment, it will really affect Putin because [what] he has relied on for so long is oil and gas.”

Dempsey says German officials have long encouraged Putin to diversify his economy, to no avail. “At the moment, I think this is a big weakness for him.”

This interview was originally aired on Public Radio International.

About the Author

Judy Dempsey

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe

Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Europe Needs to Hear What America is Saying

      Judy Dempsey

  • Commentary
    Babiš’s Victory in Czechia Is Not a Turning Point for European Populists

      Judy Dempsey

Judy Dempsey
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Judy Dempsey
Foreign PolicyRussiaEuropeEastern EuropeUkraineWestern EuropeGermanyIran

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of Everything

    Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.


      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing Disorder

    Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly Nonpartisan

    For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    Neither Comrade nor Ally: Decoding Vietnam’s First Army Drill with China

    In July 2025, Vietnam and China held their first joint army drill, a modest but symbolic move reflecting Hanoi’s strategic hedging amid U.S.–China rivalry.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Mediation Offer in the Thailand-Cambodia Border Dispute Sheds Light on Beijing’s Security Role in Southeast Asia

    The Thai-Cambodian conflict highlights the limits to China's peacemaker ambition and the significance of this role on Southeast Asia’s balance of power.

      Pongphisoot (Paul) Busbarat

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.