• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Marwan Muasher"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "Arab Awakening"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center",
  "programAffiliation": "MEP",
  "programs": [
    "Middle East"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Middle East",
    "North Africa",
    "Iraq",
    "Gulf",
    "Maghreb"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Security"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center

How the Iraq Crisis Highlights a Need for Inclusion Policies Across the Middle East

The real story in Iraq, and the Middle East at large, is the policies of exclusion that have created an environment in which radical organizations like ISIS have been able to gain ground.

Link Copied
By Marwan Muasher
Published on Jul 8, 2014

Source: World Post

Recent advances by the Sunni jihadist group Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) have thrown Iraq into violent chaos and instability.

And while ISIS is a threat that must be addressed, it is not the real story. The real story in Iraq, and the Middle East at large, is the policies of exclusion that have created an environment in which radical organizations like ISIS have been able to gain ground.

The crisis in Iraq highlights how sectarian conflicts are tearing Arab countries apart, with Syria serving as the most extreme example. Throughout the Arab Spring, leaders have taken advantage of religious and ethnic divides in order to gain or stay in power, and they have systematically subordinated the rights of the non-ruling sectors of society.

Governments that have risen to power during the Arab Spring claiming visions of building pluralistic societies have, once in power, embraced exclusionary policies that only benefit certain sectors of society. Inclusionary policies in Iraq and throughout the region must be embraced in order to achieve political pluralism. The Arab world must accept and pride itself on the diversity of its people and allow all voices to be heard. The Arab uprisings demand that all regimes reconsider their policies to allow for differences of views, ethnicities, and beliefs, so they treat every citizen as equal.

The focus in Iraq and throughout the region should be on building pluralistic societies rather than reminiscing about the artificially-induced "stability" of the past. This process will be painful and slow moving, but the region must take responsibility for its own future. In order for democracy to take hold, Arab countries must build stronger national identities that trump any other sub-allegiances. It must embrace political, cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, as well as gender equity.

The U.S. government and the international community should not look at Iraq or any other country in the region purely through a security lens. They must see the situation for what it is -- a period of transition that cannot be solved through military action alone.

The situation in Iraq may get worse before it gets better, but in the end, exclusionist policies will never produce a functioning society. A commitment to pluralism is a prerequisite for sustainable political and economic renewal across the Middle East. This might seem like a self-evident, basic statement, but so far neither the language nor the practice of pluralism has been prominent in the post-uprising era--save for a few cases, like Tunisia. It is no wonder Tunisia is fairing far better. Iraq must embrace politics of inclusion and focus on developing a political process where all forces feel they have a stake in the system. If it fails to do so, there is a real possibility the country may split, which is in no party's interest.

What is worse than the Skyes-Picot agreement, which produced artificial boundaries in the Eastern part of the Arab world, is its dissolution. Ethnically or religiously pure states are not the answer to achieving productive societies. Rather, it will lead to non-viable entities at war with each other. A separated Iraq will only result in more war and strife for years to come.

The Maliki government, and the international community, must make the most immediate priority forming a more inclusive government for Iraq. A political solution will not be easy, but it is the only way for Iraq to move forward as one, sustainable democratic country.

This article originally appeared on the World Post.

About the Author

Marwan Muasher

Vice President for Studies

Marwan Muasher is vice president for studies at Carnegie, where he oversees research in Washington and Beirut on the Middle East. Muasher served as foreign minister (2002–2004) and deputy prime minister (2004–2005) of Jordan, and his career has spanned the areas of diplomacy, development, civil society, and communications.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    The Iran War Is Uncovering the Weakness in U.S.-Gulf Ties

      Marwan Muasher

  • Commentary
    Bombing Campaigns Do Not Bring About Democracy. Nor Does Regime Change Without a Plan.

      Marwan Muasher

Marwan Muasher
Vice President for Studies
Marwan Muasher
Political ReformSecurityMiddle EastNorth AfricaIraqGulfMaghreb

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    China’s Mediation Offer in the Thailand-Cambodia Border Dispute Sheds Light on Beijing’s Security Role in Southeast Asia

    The Thai-Cambodian conflict highlights the limits to China's peacemaker ambition and the significance of this role on Southeast Asia’s balance of power.

      Pongphisoot (Paul) Busbarat

  • Trump and Xi on a red background
    Commentary
    Emissary
    China Is Determined to Hold Firm Against Trump’s Pressure

    Beijing believes that Washington is overestimating its own leverage and its ability to handle the trade war’s impacts. 

      • Sheena Chestnut Greitens

      Rick Waters, Sheena Chestnut Greitens

  • Commentary
    A Second Trump Term: Will Southeast Asia Tilt Toward China?

    Tapping our network of China experts in the region, Carnegie China offers this latest “China Through a Southeast Asian Lens” report to offer preliminary assessments of whether the U.S. effort to reshape the global trading order will lead countries in the region to tilt toward Beijing. 

      • +6

      Selina Ho, Khin Khin Kyaw Kyee, Joseph Ching Velasco, …

  • Research
    China Through a Southeast Asian Lens

    Because strategic, economic, and ideological perceptions of China contain multiple, sometimes contradictory facets in Southeast Asia, receptions of and responses to Beijing diverge across and within state lines.

      Evan A. Feigenbaum, Chong Ja Ian, Elina Noor

  • Article
    Northeast Asia Is for Deterrence and Southeast Asia Is (Mostly) for Freeriding: Appreciating Divergent East Asian Approaches to Order, Uncertainty, and Contestation

    Most Southeast Asian states behave as if the actions of their Northeast Asian neighbors and the Philippines will be sufficient to maintain a regional status quo from which they can benefit.

      Chong Ja Ian

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.