• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "C. Raja Mohan"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie India"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie India",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "South Asia",
    "India"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Religion"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie India

Raja-Mandala: Faith and Diplomacy

Purposeful engagement with religious communities around the world can increase the efficacy of India’s international relations, but only when handled with great care and diplomatic competence.

Link Copied
By C. Raja Mohan
Published on Sep 1, 2015

Source: Indian Express

One of the distinguishing features of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s diplomacy has been his effort to rebuild the long-neglected Buddhist bridge to the world. Modi’s plans are likely to come into sharper focus this week as he addresses a conference called “A Global Hindu-Buddhist Initiative on Conflict Avoidance and Environment Consciousness” in the capital.

Ignore the ungainly title of the conference. But do note that it is being organised by the Vivekananda International Foundation, which is close to the Modi government and the Sangh Parivar, in partnership with the Tokyo Foundation and the International Buddhist Confederation.

A number of leading political and religious figures from across Buddhist Asia are participating in the initiative. Modi will also join the delegates in Bodh Gaya, where they will travel to after the conference concludes in New Delhi. External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj will deliver the valedictory address to the conference. 

From a seeming personal fad of the PM, Buddhism has begun to acquire an unprecedented weight in India’s Asian policy. In his address to the parliament of Mongolia in June this year, Modi went beyond the notion of promoting India’s soft power to highlight the importance of Buddhism in dealing with the contemporary political challenges before Asia and the world. For one, he insisted that the spiritual values of Buddhism are deeply connected to the principles of democracy. “If we follow the ‘right path’ of the master,” Modi said, “it will also be natural to walk on the path of democratic values.” Modi added that “the convergence of Buddhism and democracy provides us a path to build an Asia of peace and cooperation, harmony and equality.” Modi also argued that Buddhism is “a call for each of us, as individuals and as nations, to assume the universal responsibility to mankind and our planet”. 

That Modi was not being quirky in injecting religion into the messy debate on climate change was confirmed by none other than Pope Francis, who released the encyclical on climate change a few days later, insisting on our collective moral responsibility to pass on a clean planet to the next generations. 

In Delhi, there is bound to be some unease at Modi’s attempt to bring religion into the conduct of Indian foreign policy. After all, independent India has consciously kept its diplomacy apart from religion all these decades. Even when India talked of shared culture and deep civilisational links with its Asian friends, Delhi was quite careful to edit religion out of it. 

In being unafraid of bringing faith into foreign policy, Modi may be treading new ground in India. But he is quite in tune with an emerging international trend. Many leading powers are getting their foreign offices to be more attentive to religious issues. While many secular states have traditionally seen religion as a source of international conflict, some are beginning to argue that it might, under certain conditions, be a force for some good. 

The avowedly godless Chinese Communist Party now deploys Buddhism as a major diplomatic tool to win friends and influence religious communities across the world. The deeply secular West European states are acknowledging the resurgence of religion as a major factor in world politics, especially on their doorstep in the Middle East, and are finding ways to cope with it. Although the professional US diplomatic corps has no religious bias, America’s political leaders have long seen the nation as the “chosen one” and its foreign policy as “god’s work”. More recently, Washington has begun to strengthen the institutional capacity of the United States government to deal with matters of faith. The US Department of State now has an Office of Religion and Global Affairs that advises the secretary of state on policy issues relating to faith and helps the US government agencies engage religious communities around the world. 

While Modi must bring Indian foreign policy in line with this trend, he must also guard against the real dangers of faith-based diplomacy. Delhi must recognise that putting religion into statecraft does not mean privileging one faith over another. If Buddhism has the potential to reinforce India’s engagement with many East Asian countries, a similar outreach on Islam might boost India’s ties with the Muslim world. As the power of Christian groups rises across the world, Delhi also has a good reason to engage them. 

India must also avoid creating any impression that its new interest in Buddhism is directed against any particular country. Even more important, Delhi must be acutely conscious of being drawn into religious quarrels of others or allowing external intervention in its own multiple contentions on faith. A purposeful engagement with key religious communities around the world could certainly lend new effectiveness to India’s international relations, but only when it is handled with great political care and diplomatic competence.

This article was originally published in the Indian Express.

About the Author

C. Raja Mohan

Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India

A leading analyst of India’s foreign policy, Mohan is also an expert on South Asian security, great-power relations in Asia, and arms control.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Deepening the India-France Maritime Partnership

      C. Raja Mohan, Darshana M. Baruah

  • Commentary
    Shanghai Cooperation Organization at Crossroads: Views From Moscow, Beijing and New Delhi
      • Alexander Gabuev
      • +1

      Alexander Gabuev, Paul Haenle, C. Raja Mohan, …

C. Raja Mohan
Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India
Foreign PolicyReligionSouth AsiaIndia

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing Disorder

    Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly Nonpartisan

    For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    Neither Comrade nor Ally: Decoding Vietnam’s First Army Drill with China

    In July 2025, Vietnam and China held their first joint army drill, a modest but symbolic move reflecting Hanoi’s strategic hedging amid U.S.–China rivalry.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Mediation Offer in the Thailand-Cambodia Border Dispute Sheds Light on Beijing’s Security Role in Southeast Asia

    The Thai-Cambodian conflict highlights the limits to China's peacemaker ambition and the significance of this role on Southeast Asia’s balance of power.

      Pongphisoot (Paul) Busbarat

  • Trump and Xi on a red background
    Commentary
    Emissary
    China Is Determined to Hold Firm Against Trump’s Pressure

    Beijing believes that Washington is overestimating its own leverage and its ability to handle the trade war’s impacts. 

      • Sheena Chestnut Greitens

      Rick Waters, Sheena Chestnut Greitens

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.