• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Moisés Naím"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

If I Ruled the World

The negative connotation associated with political parties has led to dwindling youth membership. Changes must take root in order to get the U.S. political system out of gridlock and paralysis.

Link Copied
By Moisés Naím
Published on Apr 24, 2013

Source: Prospect Magazine

When I speak to university students, I often ask how many of them would want to join me if there was a butterfly endangered in Indonesia, and I was forming an organisation to save it. Inevitably, a few hands go up. Then, I ask how many would want to join me in one of the existing political parties. They all run for the doors.
 


This may sound trivial but I believe it represents a global trend with serious consequences. Around the world, political parties have had a disastrous couple of decades, especially compared to non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Nowadays, when it comes to attracting idealistic, engaged people, especially the young, parties barely stand a chance. Many still retain substantial power and in some countries it is impossible for new rivals to contest them. But in most democracies, the traditional party structure has been replaced by inchoate and unstable coalitions made of tired old parties and newer but transient political organisations.

Why does that matter? Democracies based on single-issue NGOs and opportunistic electoral machines are weak democracies. And they are proliferating. To fix that, we need a wave of political innovation that parallels the other innovations that have transformed our lives—the way we eat, read, write, shop, date, travel, and communicate. Almost everything we do has been transformed by new technologies and organisations. Everything, that is, except the way we govern ourselves. We need disruptive, revolutionary innovations to pull democratic parties into the 21st century.

That’s why, if I were to rule the world, one of my priorities would be to change political parties in order to attract the many individuals who want to change the world (or their country) but that would never consider doing so through a political party. 
Of course, I would also want to make the world less poor, more equal and more able to change the behaviours that feed global warming. I realise that fixing parties is no silver bullet. Yet I believe that bringing political parties back into fashion would help democracies regain the power they need to tackle some of the biggest challenges of our time.
 


As it stands, political paralysis is rising, and governments have become increasingly incapable of making the decisions needed to deal with their country’s problems. When power becomes this constrained, stability, safety, and material prosperity suffer.
 


Around the world “vetocracies” (a term coined by Francis Fukuyama) are proliferating. Systems where myriad actors have just enough power to veto, dilute and delay decisions but where no single actor has enough power to push through an agenda. Take, for example, the sequester debacle in America. One faction’s refusal to compromise on a budget deal has led to sweeping and irrational cuts bound to hurt the nation. 
Or take Italy, where recent elections have resulted in parliamentary deadlock, making it impossible to form a viable government. Or Israel. Or the UK. 


This political paralysis is hampering not only national governments, but international efforts to solve global problems, from climate change to nuclear proliferation to economic crises.

What, then, to do? To improve the effectiveness of democratic governments, political parties must regain the ability to inspire and mobilise people—especially the young—who would otherwise disdain politics, or channel whatever political energy they have through single-issue organisations or even fringe groups. Political parties must be willing to drastically overhaul their structures, mindsets and methods to a new world.

To do this, they could take a few ideas from, for example, Occupy Wall Street—or even al Qaeda. Now of course I don’t think they should become homicidal cults or disjointed, quasi-anarchic political movements long on ideals and short on pragmatism. But the ability to recruit young, idealistic and highly motivated activists willing to sacrifice for the organisation and its cause is something political parties need to re-learn. Parties must reach out to larger segments of society, beyond their narrow, traditional base of activists. Only then will they be able to recover the kind of power they need to govern us well. 


Without these changes, sustained progress in fighting the threats at home and abroad that conspire against our security and prosperity will be impossible.
I want a world where democratically elected leaders and their governments have more power to get things done. And I am convinced that in order to get that we need stronger, more modern and more democratic political parties.

This article was originally published in Prospect Magazine.

About the Author

Moisés Naím

Distinguished Fellow

Moisés Naím is a distinguished fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a best-selling author, and an internationally syndicated columnist.

    Recent Work

  • Research
    The World Reacts to Biden’s First 100 Days
      • +10

      Rosa Balfour, Frances Z. Brown, Yasmine Farouk, …

  • Commentary
    View From Latin America

      Moisés Naím

Moisés Naím
Distinguished Fellow
Moisés Naím
Political ReformNorth AmericaUnited States

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Is France’s New Nuclear Doctrine Ambitious Enough?

    French President Emmanuel Macron has unveiled his country’s new nuclear doctrine. Are the changes he has made enough to reassure France’s European partners in the current geopolitical context?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • Commentary
    The Iran War’s Dangerous Fallout for Europe

    The drone strike on the British air base in Akrotiri brings Europe’s proximity to the conflict in Iran into sharp relief. In the fog of war, old tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean risk being reignited, and regional stakeholders must avoid escalation.

      Marc Pierini

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    The EU Needs a Third Way in Iran

    European reactions to the war in Iran have lost sight of wider political dynamics. The EU must position itself for the next phase of the crisis without giving up on its principles.

      Richard Youngs

  • Trump United Nations multilateralism institutions 2236462680
    Article
    Resetting Cyber Relations with the United States

    For years, the United States anchored global cyber diplomacy. As Washington rethinks its leadership role, the launch of the UN’s Cyber Global Mechanism may test how allies adjust their engagement.

      • Christopher Painter

      Patryk Pawlak, Chris Painter

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe on Iran: Gone with the Wind

    Europe’s reaction to the war in Iran has been disunited and meek, a far cry from its previously leading role in diplomacy with Tehran. To avoid being condemned to the sidelines while escalation continues, Brussels needs to stand up for international law.

      Pierre Vimont

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.