Marina Ottaway, Omar Hossino
REQUIRED IMAGE
Fragmentation of Iraq's Political Spectrum
With a combined total of 296 parties and independent candidates registered to compete for a place in a 275-seat parliament, Iraq displays a degree of political fragmentation usually found in first-time multi-party elections but rarely seen thereafter.
With a combined total of 296 parties and independent candidates registered to compete for a place in a 275-seat parliament, Iraq displays a degree of political fragmentation usually found in first-time multi-party elections but rarely seen thereafter. Even the number of coalitions—at least six, at present—suggests deep fragmentation.
Several factors explain the continuing fragmentation of the Iraqi political scene. First, the legacy of the struggle against Saddam Hussein already led to fragmentation. Much of Saddam’s opposition was organized along confessional lines, with exiles in different countries creating separate organizations and drawing backing from different sources. But none of the organizations was particularly effective, so in 2003, there was no group that could claim the glory of having liberated the country. The 2005 elections created a fragmented parliament, worsening the problem.
The electoral system chosen by the November 8 election law—proportional representation with open lists—is likely to perpetuate the fragmentation. Not only will it do nothing to reduce the number of parties and coalitions competing against each other; but it also will encourage an undesirable degree of competition among candidates of the same parties.
In general, intraparty competition is a positive outcome of open-list systems in that it gives more power to the voters than to the party hierarchy. In situations of extreme fragmentation, however, open-list systems may deepen divisions and exacerbate problems.
About the Author
Former Senior Associate, Middle East Program
Before joining the Endowment, Ottaway carried out research in Africa and in the Middle East for many years and taught at the University of Addis Ababa, the University of Zambia, the American University in Cairo, and the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa.
- Reactions to the Syrian National InitiativeArticle
- Slow Return to Normal Politics in EgyptArticle
Marina Ottaway
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Europe
- EU Enlargement Forgets EuropeansCommentary
Preparing candidate countries for EU membership is no longer enough. As the enlargement process becomes a reality, the union must also prepare its own societies.
Iliriana Gjoni
- Taking the Pulse: Was it Right to Boycott Eurovision?Commentary
Five countries staged the biggest political boycott in Eurovision history over Israel’s participation. With the FIFA World Cup and other sporting or cultural touchstones on the horizon, are boycotts effective?
Rym Momtaz, ed.
- Ecological Statecraft in the Midst of War: Water, Regeneration, and the Future of Gulf SecurityPaper
The U.S.-Iran war has crossed a dangerous threshold: water infrastructure in the Gulf is now a target. Ecological statecraft is no longer peripheral to security, it's part of its foundations.
Olivia Lazard, Ali Bin Shahid
- EU Integration Without Ratification?Article
Countries face several hurdles in joining the EU, including the final stage of ratifying their accession treaties. Procedural reforms and substantive adjustments could help move the process forward.
Stefan Lehne
- There Is No Shortcut for Europe in ArmeniaCommentary
Europe has an interest in supporting Armenian leader Nikol Pashinyan as he tries to make peace with neighbors and loosen ties with Russia. But it is depersonalized support in the long term, not quickfire flash, that will win the day.
Thomas de Waal