During the past few weeks, some two-dozen high-level foreign representatives have visited Syria. These include officials from France, Germany, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, and the European Union. Many countries want to play a role in rebuilding the Syrian state, but the different directions of advice they give are not necessarily compatible. In addition, uncertainties about Syria’s leadership are still lingering.
Among the recent game-changing events in the Middle East, the least anticipated one was the sudden collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime after both Iran and Russia refused to come to its rescue. The rise to power of Ahmad al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, the head of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, was accompanied by a steady flow of messages and statements aimed at reassuring foreign partners and initiating a normalization process. Sharaa has a dismal record of violence as the leader of his revolutionary coalition, and last week he declared himself transitional president of Syria. As a result, Western governments saw hopes and uncertainties emerge simultaneously.
The new reality created by the disintegration of the 54-year old Assad regime has created opportunities for regional and Western countries. Israel was quick in destroying the remaining air defenses and missile capabilities of Syria’s armed forces in a series of preemptive strikes in early December. Türkiye was equally swift in increasing its attacks against Kurdish forces in northern Syria and in sending officials to Damascus to drive home its priorities. Gulf countries are keen to help the country rebuild itself and eliminate Iranian influence.
In the whirlwind of visits, the European Union (EU) also moved relatively quickly. The EU high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, Kaja Kallas, participated in the December 14 Aqaba meeting; the French and German foreign ministers made a joint visit to Damascus on January 3, followed by the Italian foreign minister on January 10 and the EU commissioner for equality, preparedness, and crisis management on January 24. In this last visit, commissioner Hadja Lahbib announced a humanitarian assistance package of €235 million (around $241 million) and discussed the lifting of sanctions on Syria in order “to encourage the new authorities to build an inclusive Syria, embracing all its citizens, all its diversity [...] We need to see the rule of law being respected, human rights, women’s rights.”
As a result of these and other diplomatic talks, Kallas obtained an agreement in principle at the January 27 EU Foreign Ministers Council to eliminate part of the EU sanctions on Syria as a gesture of goodwill, on the assumption that Damascus would take positive steps. The detailed arrangements are being discussed with the aim of approving them on February 24.
The ongoing work is burdened by an accumulation of specific priorities. Some EU governments have focused on the possible resurgence of the Islamic State group if Syrian Kurdish forces cease playing a role in eastern Syria and if Washington decides to quickly withdraw its forces from the same area. Others have concentrated on oil and gas exploration rights in Eastern Mediterranean waters. Many insist that Damascus must regain control of the entire territory of Syria. And most worry that the EU will simply be presented with the country’s reconstruction bill without having a say in underlying Syrian issues.
Outside the EU, countries such as Israel, Türkiye, and the United States have specific objectives. Turkish ambitions were reflected in the flurry of visitors to Damascus since early December 2024—the chief of intelligence, several ministers including the foreign minister, and high-ranking military officials—with a goal described as “trying to cash in on the moment.” Ankara wants to eradicate the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), convince Syrian refugees in Türkiye to return home, and see Western special forces leave eastern Syria. The Turks also want to help restructure a single Syrian national army equipped with Turkish weaponry, and have the Turkish construction sector rebuild Syrian infrastructure and housing with foreign funding, and possibly secure an agreement on exploration rights in adjacent waters. None of these goals are neutral for the European Union.
Ultimately, the key political choices will be made in Damascus by Syria’s new leaders, who have a monumental task ahead of them. They need to bring the state administration back to work with all its diversity, feed the population in need, reconstruct infrastructure and housing, reform the security sector, adopt a clear stance against terrorism, regain control of all their land, organize a process of transitional justice, and balance the ambitions of Syria’s foreign partners.
In this context, the task of the EU countries is delicate, since they have long been absent from the political and security debate over Syria. They have now made an initial gesture and explained their position about future relations. Humanitarian support and the lifting of key sanctions are first on their list of actions. Yet, there are other domains in which the EU could support Syria’s leaders and its people.
One way would be to acknowledge the suffering of Syrian citizens at the hands of the Assad regime over the past fourteen years, and offer support through the United Nations and specialized nongovernmental organizations in documenting this tragedy and, possibly, setting up a healing process. This, alongside a full inquiry into the responsibilities for torture and killings during the Syrian conflict, is essential for the future of Syria and Syrians. Another important measure, on the security side, is for the EU or some of its member governments to set up a cooperation mechanism with the new Syrian leadership in order to document and oversee the presence of known terrorists, especially those with European citizenship currently being held in eastern Syria.
The situation in Syria remains immensely complex. Yet, seen from an EU standpoint the novelty is that the Syrian leadership has clearly expressed its intentions with regard to diversity, inclusiveness, free and fair elections, and civil peace. On paper, these intentions match EU principles and therefore provide a basis on which to rebuild a relationship between Syria and Europe.
