Research
- +6
Yasmine Farouk, Nathan J. Brown, Maysaa Shuja Al-Deen, …
{
"authors": [
"Michele Dunne"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
],
"collections": [
"Arab Awakening"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North Africa",
"Egypt",
"Tunisia",
"Maghreb"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform"
]
}
Source: Getty
In The Media
The Rise of Islamist Parties in Tunisia and Egypt
Islamist parties in Egypt and Tunisia are emerging as powerful political players in each country’s transition. Upcoming elections in both countries and the performance of Islamist parties once they are in office will determine their future role in formal politics.
Published on May 31, 2011
Source: NPR's All Things Considered
Second narrative - ignore the "Kumbayah" rhetoric, the only groups that are well enough organized to come to power will be the Islamist and they will temper their message only as a means to the end of coming to power. Which narrative is closer to what's happening? We're going to ask Michele Dunne of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where she edits the online publication the Arab Reform Bulletin. Welcome back.
Ms. MICHELE DUNNE (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace): Thank you.
SIEGEL: First, in Egypt, the biggest Islamist political group is the Muslim Brotherhood. How would you describe their agenda in the post-Mubarak era?
Ms. DUNNE: The Muslim Brotherhood has quite a sophisticated agenda and strategy to become, I think, the largest political force in Egypt, but not actually to take power. They're running for fewer than half of the seats in the Egyptian parliament and I think they would like to capture about a third of them and they are not running for the presidency this time around.
SIEGEL: And how Islamist is their message?
Ms. DUNNE: They're putting out two messages at the same time. To the Egyptian public they are saying, we are a civil party. We are for rights. We are for citizenship. Not a very Islamist message. But at the same time, to their base they are saying that now is the time. We can now put Islam back into politics.
SIEGEL: In Tunisia, the big Islamist party is Ennahda or Renaissance. How Islamist, how militant do they sound to you?
Ms. DUNNE: Ennahda was in exile. Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood that has been in Egypt all along and able to operate reasonably well over the past 20 years ago, Ennahda was in exile. And I think some people are a bit taken aback by how much popularity it has gathered in just a couple of months.
They are doing something similar to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in the sense that they are trying to be in touch with the non-Islamist opposition and show a more liberal face to the Tunisian public. But they also, like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, favor a quick move to elections. In fact, just recently they pulled out of a coordinating body with other opposition groups because they want to hold Tunisia's first election in July. Other opposition groups want to postpone it, think Tunisia isn't ready. But in both Tunisia and Egypt, the Islamists feel that the sooner elections are held, the better for them.
SIEGEL: Is that a measure of the fact that they're organized?
Ms. DUNNE: It's typical that Islamist political movements tend to be well organized and more able to mobilize their constituents than other political forces in the Middle East.
SIEGEL: Can you imagine, say, a year from now, a Middle East in which there are, in certainly the largest, most populous Arab country Egypt and in Tunisia and perhaps elsewhere, a much more established role for Islamist political parties in some kind of new -ism that has real authority in the region?
Ms. DUNNE: I think we will definitely see Islamist parties playing a very big role in formal politics in Egypt and Tunisia. Now, it's important to remember they are not the only political forces out there. In Tunisia and in Egypt, there are very significant liberal and leftist Islamic forces. What we're going to see now is Islamists competing with them on a more level playing field. And I think we will see Islamists do very well, particularly in the first elections in these countries.
Then, I think, over the next few years, there will be a sorting out. The Islamists are going to be tested through this process. To what extent can they offer practical solutions to unemployment and other significant economic and social problems? In some other countries where they've been able to compete pretty freely, we see Islamists not do so well in second or third elections because they haven't delivered.
SIEGEL: Michele Dunne, senior associate for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Thanks a lot.
Ms. DUNNE: You're welcome.
About the Author
Michele Dunne
Former Nonresident Scholar, Middle East Program
Michele Dunne was a nonresident scholar in Carnegie’s Middle East Program, where her research focuses on political and economic change in Arab countries, particularly Egypt, as well as U.S. policy in the Middle East.
- Islamic Institutions in Arab States: Mapping the Dynamics of Control, Co-option, and Contention
- From Hardware to Holism: Rebalancing America’s Security Engagement With Arab StatesResearch
- +8
Robert Springborg, Emile Hokayem, Becca Wasser, …
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Leaving Russian-Speakers Without Representation Is a Risk for LatviaCommentary
If the Russian-speaking community in Latvia cannot articulate their interests without being seen as disloyal, they could end up embracing a pro-Kremlin agenda.
Sergejs Potapkins
- Putin Has Been a Hindrance, Not a Help, to United Russia’s Election CampaignCommentary
Russia’s ruling party would have benefited from Putin appearing as its distant patron, but as an active frontman imposing his views on the public, he has done nothing but harm both the party’s election campaign and the ruling system overall.
Andrey Pertsev
- Ten Years After Karimov’s Death, How Much Has Uzbekistan Really Changed?Commentary
In the tenth year of his presidency, President Mirziyoyev’s system is becoming even more personalized than that of his predecessor Karimov.
Galiya Ibragimova
- As a Former Defense Minister Revolts in Ukraine, Is Zelensky’s System Fracturing?Commentary
The greater threat to Zelensky comes not from Fedorov alone, but from the convergence between the former defense minister’s political campaign and the anti-corruption investigations moving ever closer to the presidential administration.
Balázs Jarábik
- Fedorov’s Challenge to Zelensky Could Upend Ukrainian PoliticsCommentary
With his public call for new elections in Ukraine, ex-defense minister Mykhailo Fedorov has opened Pandora’s box.
Konstantin Skorkin
