Mei Ying Gechlik (Veron Hung)
REQUIRED IMAGE
Judicial Reform in China: Lessons from Shanghai
This study seeks to answer three questions: Are interference, intracourt and intercourt influence, and judicial corruption of a lesser magnitude in Shanghai than in other parts of China? If so, what measures has Shanghai taken to accomplish this? What lessons about judicial reform in China can be learned from Shanghai’s experiences?
Summary
The George W. Bush administration in September 2002 laid out in the "National Security Strategy of the United States" its strategy toward China: "We welcome the emergence of a strong, peaceful, and prosperous China, "During a trip to Asia in March 2005, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice adopted a similar phrase to welcome "the rise of a confident, peaceful, and prosperous China."
Implicit in Washington’s message is its concern about the potential threat of China’s rise. To ease such concern prevailing outside China and to respond to criticisms about the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) governance spreading across the country, Beijing has vowed to establish a "socialist harmonious society" that features, among other characteristics, the rule of law, fairness, and justice. Unfortunately, courts in China have yet to exemplify the rule of law, fairness, and justice. Understanding that its governance cannot be sustained by a dysfunctional justice system, Beijing has taken a series of actions to reform China’s judiciary.
This study seeks to analyze whether fairness has been achieved in Shanghai and what this means to China as a whole, and it tries to accomplish this through extensive literary research as well as a survey and interviews in China, especially Shanghai. This study seeks to answer three questions: Are interference, intracourt and intercourt influence, and judicial corruption of a lesser magnitude in Shanghai than in other parts of China? If so, what measures has Shanghai taken to accomplish this? What lessons about judicial reform in China can be learned from Shanghai’s experiences?
Click on link above for the full text of this Carnegie Paper.
About the Author
Veron Mei-Ying Hung is an associate in the Carnegie Endowment’s China Program. She has in-depth experience in Chinese law, and law and politics in the Asia-Pacific region. In academia and the private sector, she has studied such areas as legal reform in China, constitutional development in Hong Kong, human rights in Cambodia, and trade with China. She is the author of "China’s WTO Commitment on Independent Judicial Review: Impact on Legal and Political Reform"(American Journal of Comparative Law) and "Getting to Democracy in Hong Kong" (Carnegie Endowment).
Also published in The Columbia Journal of Asian Law, Spring/Fall 2005 issue, Volume 19, Number 1.
About the Author
Former Non-Resident Associate
- Protecting Intellectual Property Rights in Chinese Courts: An Analysis of Recent Patent JudgmentsPaper
- Getting to Democracy in Hong KongOther
Mei Ying Gechlik (Veron Hung)
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Will the Far Right Change Europe’s Russia Policy?Commentary
The European far right might fail to steer EU policy in the direction Russia wants, but they will create enough chaos inside Europe to benefit the Kremlin.
Dimitar Bechev
- Leaving Russian-Speakers Without Representation Is a Risk for LatviaCommentary
If the Russian-speaking community in Latvia cannot articulate their interests without being seen as disloyal, they could end up embracing a pro-Kremlin agenda.
Sergejs Potapkins
- Putin Has Been a Hindrance, Not a Help, to United Russia’s Election CampaignCommentary
Russia’s ruling party would have benefited from Putin appearing as its distant patron, but as an active frontman imposing his views on the public, he has done nothing but harm both the party’s election campaign and the ruling system overall.
Andrey Pertsev
- Ten Years After Karimov’s Death, How Much Has Uzbekistan Really Changed?Commentary
In the tenth year of his presidency, President Mirziyoyev’s system is becoming even more personalized than that of his predecessor Karimov.
Galiya Ibragimova
- As It Turns 25, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Reflects the New World OrderCommentary
With the growth in points of friction between the great powers, organizations like the SCO will continue to play a role in the strategic adaptation of the smaller powers caught between them.
Temur Umarov