Amr Hamzawy, Kathryn Selfe
Source: Getty
The 2007 Moroccan Parliamentary Elections: Results and Implications
Morocco conducted elections to the lower chamber of the parliament, the House of Representatives, on September 7. Local and international monitoring groups confirmed that the elections were conducted in a fair and transparent manner. However, voter turnout plunged to a historical low of 37 percent, down from 51 percent in the 2002 elections and 58 percent in 1997.
Morocco conducted elections to the lower chamber of the parliament, the House of Representatives, on September 7. Thirty-three political parties and thirteen independent electoral lists contested the chamber’s 325 seats. (Thirty seats are reserved for women based on a quota system introduced prior to the previous parliamentary elections, which were held in 2002.) Eighteen parties ran candidates in at least 50 percent of the country’s ninety-five electoral districts. Five parties were represented in almost every district: the two governing parties (the Socialist Union of Popular Forces and the Independence Party—Istiqlal), the main Islamist opposition party (the Party for Justice and Development—PJD), the Popular Movement, and the National Rally of Independents.
Voter Apathy and Popular Disenchantment
Local and international monitoring groups confirmed that the elections were conducted in a fair and transparent manner. However, there were a number of reports on violations that involved vote buying, in both urban and rural areas. Remarkably, voter turnout plunged to a historical low of 37 percent, down from 51 percent in the 2002 elections and 58 percent in 1997. Poor participation marred the process despite significant get-out-the-vote efforts by the government as well as political parties and civil society organizations. Government agencies and various nongovernmental organizations conducted voter education programs, especially in impoverished urban areas, and leading political parties announced detailed electoral platforms several weeks before the elections and publicized them heavily. Most platforms tackled the economic and social needs of the population, and, at least in the case of the Socialist Union, the Independence Party, and the PJD, concrete policy measures were included. Despite all these efforts, Moroccans’ waning level of interest in electoral politics persisted.
Click on icon above for the full text of this Web Commentary.
About the Author
Director, Middle East Program
Amr Hamzawy is a senior fellow and the director of the Carnegie Middle East Program. His research and writings focus on Egypt’s and other middle powers’ involvement in regional security in the Middle East, particularly through collective diplomacy and multilateral conflict resolution
- In the Middle East and North Africa, America and China Converge More Than They DivergeArticle
- The Iran War Shows the Limits of U.S. PowerArticle
Amr Hamzawy
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Loyal but Powerless: The Downgrading of Russia’s ElitePaper
The ruling elites in contemporary Russia are not a political class, but a community of managers who are not subject to competition or public accountability. The state is becoming an operating apparatus without any internal autonomy.
Alexandra Prokopenko
- What Does Pashinyan’s Parliamentary Victory Mean for Armenia’s Future?Commentary
Pashinyan’s pro-European party has been re-elected with a decisive victory. But the pro-Russian opposition could still slow Armenia’s progress toward peace with Azerbaijan and rapprochement with Europe.
Mikayel Zolyan
- From Sovereigns to Servants. How the War Against Ukraine Reshaped Russia’s EliteBook
How did Putin co-opt Russia’s political and economic elites, ensuring no more than fitful resistance to the regime’s war on Ukraine?
Alexandra Prokopenko
- Will Russia–Armenia Relations Improve Following Pashinyan’s Re-Election?Commentary
For all the menacing rhetoric, the Armenian prime minister remains a leader with whom Putin is prepared to interact: not as an ally, but as a partner, albeit a problematic one.
Alexander Atasuntsev
- Who Does Azerbaijan Want to See Win Armenia’s Elections?Commentary
By fueling the arguments of both supporters and opponents of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Azerbaijan wants to ensure he is re-elected with a weaker mandate.
Bashir Kitachaev