Commentary
Thomas de Waal
{
"authors": [
"Thomas de Waal"
],
"type": "commentary",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Europe",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Caucasus",
"Georgia"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform"
]
}
Source: Getty
Commentary
Georgia’s Drama of the Past
The criminal charges against former Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili guarantee more recriminations about the recent past rather than discussion of the country’s future.
Published on Jul 30, 2014
Depending on who you talk to, the genre of Georgia’s ongoing domestic political drama is a heroic tale of justice, a tragedy or a comic opera. I incline towards the latter view, but the longer the story goes on, the sadder the conclusion may be.
The latest dramatic episode, after months of intrigue, was the filing of criminal charges against former president Mikheil Saakashvili, against the advice of almost all Georgia’s Western friends.
The Prosecutor’s office has come up with a substantial list of charges, mostly centered on the brutal crackdown of the opposition in Tbilisi in November 2007. The allegations are serious and there will be plenty of evidence brought in support of them. But no one in Georgia believes that the Prosecutor’s office in Georgia acts independently, without government advice.
The charges are politically unwise. They are going to cause the Georgian government a lot of trouble internationally. It would be far better to establish a commission that focuses both on egregious cases of injustice and on political reconciliation—a step that Anna Dolidze and I advocated at the end of 2012.
But it’s important to understand that the story looks different in Georgia from Western countries.
To begin with, prosecutions of this kind are popular with a large section of Georgian society. Many people have a feeling of unfinished business from the Saakashvili years. There are around 20,000 legal complaints lodged by Georgian citizens over alleged abuses committed by the previous government, many of them the expropriation of property.
That explains why in the latest opinion poll conducted by the National Democratic Institute in Georgia in April 2014, 59 percent of respondents said that the prosecutions were about “holding government officials accountable” and a much smaller number, 22 per cent, said they were a “desire for political retribution.”
That 22 per cent roughly corresponds to the level of support enjoyed by Saakashvili’s party, the United National Movement, or UNM. And Saakashvili did himself no favors with a rambling commentary on Tuesday, calling the Georgian Dream government and its patron Bidzina Ivanishvili Russian agents, and saying “we will also get rid of this oligarch.”
Remarks like that will only confirm the views of the anti-Saakashvili Georgians that he deserves to be prosecuted.
Some Georgian officials get irritated by the criticism of the arrests, saying that it is “double standards” first to talk about the rule of law and democracy and then insist that some people should be exempt from prosecution. They ask what distinguished Saakashvili from Silvio Berlusconi and Nicolas Sarkozy, targeted by prosecutors in Italy and France in recent times.
Other wiser members of the governing coalition have cautioned against continuing the campaign to crush the UNM. For example, speaker of parliament David Usupashvili recently told his colleagues, “I am irritated by you getting irritated by what these people [UNM parliamentarians] are talking about.” He reminded them of the United National Movement’s low poll ratings and electoral defeats and urged them to focus on the future.
Usupashvili’s words were not heeded. Now we can expect many months of more examination and re-examination of Georgia’s recent past, instead of discussion of its future.
About the Author
Thomas de Waal
Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Thomas de Waal is a senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, specializing in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.
- There Is No Shortcut for Europe in Armenia
- Rewiring the South Caucasus: TRIPP and the New Geopolitics of ConnectivityArticle
Thomas de Waal, Areg Kochinyan, Zaur Shiriyev
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Europe
- EU Integration Without Ratification?Article
Countries face several hurdles in joining the EU, including the final stage of ratifying their accession treaties. Procedural reforms and substantive adjustments could help move the process forward.
Stefan Lehne
- There Is No Shortcut for Europe in ArmeniaCommentary
Europe has an interest in supporting Armenian leader Nikol Pashinyan as he tries to make peace with neighbors and loosen ties with Russia. But it is depersonalized support in the long term, not quickfire flash, that will win the day.
Thomas de Waal
- How to Join the EU in Three Easy StepsCommentary
Montenegro and Albania are frontrunners for EU enlargement in the Western Balkans, but they can’t just sit back and wait. To meet their 2030 accession ambitions, they must make a strong positive case.
Dimitar Bechev, Iliriana Gjoni
- Rewiring the South Caucasus: TRIPP and the New Geopolitics of ConnectivityArticle
The U.S.-sponsored TRIPP deal is driving the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process forward. But foreign and domestic hurdles remain before connectivity and economic interdependence can open up the South Caucasus.
Thomas de Waal, Areg Kochinyan, Zaur Shiriyev
- The EU Needs a Third Way in IranCommentary
European reactions to the war in Iran have lost sight of wider political dynamics. The EU must position itself for the next phase of the crisis without giving up on its principles.
Richard Youngs
