• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
REQUIRED IMAGE

REQUIRED IMAGE

Article

An Unnecessary War


The official end to the U.S. search for weapons in Iraq confirms what most observers had known for over a year and what UN inspections indicated before the war: Iraq did not have any significant amount of chemical, biological or nuclear weapons or long-range missiles. Some old weapons produced before the 1991 war may still be found, but it is clear that the main justification for launching the 2003 invasion of Iraq was not true. As a Carnegie study concluded one year ago, administration officials systematically misled the American people as to the nature of the threat and the need for military action.

Saddam Hussein, who had ruled the nation in a brutal dictatorship since 1979, had actively pursued such programs and had produced thousands of tons of chemical and biological weapon agents during the 1980s. The programs were ended and the stockpiles destroyed by the 1991 Gulf War and United Nations disarmament activities that followed.

(Continue)


Link Copied
By Joseph Cirincione
Published on Jan 13, 2005

January 13, 2005

The official end to the U.S. search for weapons in Iraq confirms what most observers had known for over a year and what UN inspections indicated before the war: Iraq did not have any significant amount of chemical, biological or nuclear weapons or long-range missiles. Some old weapons produced before the 1991 war may still be found, but it is clear that the main justification for launching the 2003 invasion of Iraq was not true. As a Carnegie study concluded one year ago, administration officials systematically misled the American people as to the nature of the threat and the need for military action.

Saddam Hussein, who had ruled the nation in a brutal dictatorship since 1979, had actively pursued such programs and had produced thousands of tons of chemical and biological weapon agents during the 1980s. The programs were ended and the stockpiles destroyed by the 1991 Gulf War and United Nations disarmament activities that followed.

Iraq’s failure to cooperate fully with UN verification measures led to the withdrawal of inspectors and the bombing of some Iraqi facilities in December 1998. After four years of frustrated attempts to continue their inventory and accounting of Iraq’s past and suspected programs, United Nations inspectors returned to Iraq in November 2002. In March 2003, the inspections ended when the United States led a coalition of countries to invade Iraq and topple Hussein’s regime. The 2003 war was the world’s first non-proliferation war--a war based primarily on the desire to prevent a nation from obtaining, using or transferring nuclear, chemical or biological weapons.

The UN inspections and the subsequent weapons hunt by U.S. forces after the war yielded three key conclusions:

1. There is no evidence of significant Iraqi nuclear, chemical or biological weapon programs or stockpiles created after the 1991 Gulf War, or any Scud missiles, warheads or unmanned aerial vehicles designed to deliver such weapons. The nuclear, chemical, and biological programs ended between 1991 and 1996, while the missile program continued, though Iraq failed to develop any missiles capable of travelling over 200 kilometers.

2. UN sanctions and inspections were highly effective in disarming Iraq after the 1991 War. Two special units dealt with the biological, chemical and missile programs: the United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM, 1991-1999) and the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC, 1999-2003). The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) supervised the nuclear disarmament and verification efforts.

3. In the year prior to the 2003 war, U.S. and British officials grievously misrepresented Iraq’s weapon capabilities. Senior officials in the U.S., UK and some other nations were convinced of the need to eliminate the Hussein regime and believed nonproliferation and other regional objectives could be reliably accomplished through military means.

It is clear now--and was to many before the war--that Saddam Hussein did not represent an urgent threat to the United States. The cost and consequences of this unnecessary war are still growing.


Related Links:

WMD in Iraq: Evidence and Implications, Carnegie study by Joseph Cirincione, Jessica T. Mathews and George Perkovich, January 2004.

About the Author

Joseph Cirincione

Former Senior Associate, Director for NonProliferation

    Recent Work

  • Report
    Universal Compliance: A Strategy for Nuclear Security<br>With 2007 Report Card on Progress
      • +2

      George Perkovich, Jessica Tuchman Mathews, Joseph Cirincione, …

  • Article
    The End of Neoconservatism

      Joseph Cirincione

Joseph Cirincione
Former Senior Associate, Director for NonProliferation
Joseph Cirincione
United StatesIraqNuclear Energy

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe on Iran: Gone with the Wind

    Europe’s reaction to the war in Iran has been disunited and meek, a far cry from its previously leading role in diplomacy with Tehran. To avoid being condemned to the sidelines while escalation continues, Brussels needs to stand up for international law.

      Pierre Vimont

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Can the EU Attract Foreign Investment and Reduce Dependencies?

    EU member states clash over how to boost the union’s competitiveness: Some want to favor European industries in public procurement, while others worry this could deter foreign investment. So, can the EU simultaneously attract global capital and reduce dependencies?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • Article
    What Can the EU Do About Trump 2.0?

    Europe’s policy of subservience to the Trump administration has failed. For Washington to take the EU seriously, its leaders now need to combine engagement with robust pushback.

      Stefan Lehne

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe Falls Behind in the South Caucasus Connectivity Race

    The EU lacks leadership and strategic planning in the South Caucasus, while the United States is leading the charge. To secure its geopolitical interests, Brussels must invest in new connectivity for the region.

      Zaur Shiriyev

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Is It Time for Europe to Reengage With Belarus?

    In return for a trade deal and the release of political prisoners, the United States has lifted sanctions on Belarus, breaking the previous Western policy consensus. Should Europeans follow suit, using their leverage to extract concessions from Lukashenko, or continue to isolate a key Kremlin ally?

      Thomas de Waal, ed.

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.