- +2
George Perkovich, Jessica Tuchman Mathews, Joseph Cirincione, …
Source: Getty
The End of “WMD”
Words matter. When Deadly Arsenals hits the streets on July 12 (just slightly ahead of the new Harry Potter book) it will no longer use the expression “weapons of mass destruction.” The phrase confuses officials, befuddles the public, and justifies policies that more precise language and more accurate assessments would not support.
Words matter. This is why the newest book in the 21-year old Carnegie series on proliferation will not rely on a term that has appeared in all previous assessments. When Deadly Arsenals hits the streets on July 12 (just slightly ahead of the new Harry Potter book) it will no longer use the expression “weapons of mass destruction.” The phrase confuses officials, befuddles the public, and justifies policies that more precise language and more accurate assessments would not support.
Though used widely by officials and the media, “weapons of mass destruction” conflates very different threats from weapons that differ greatly in lethality, consequence of use, difficulty of acquisition, and the availability of measures that can protect against them. Chemical weapons are easy to manufacture, but they inflict relatively limited damage over small areas and dissipate fairly quickly. Biological weapon agents can be made in most medical laboratories, but it is very difficult to turn these agents into effective weapons, and prompt inoculation and quarantine could limit the number of victims and the areas affected. Nuclear weapons are difficult to produce, but one weapon can destroy an entire city, killing hundreds of thousands instantly and leaving lingering radiation that would render large areas uninhabitable for years.
A failure to differentiate these threats can lead to seriously flawed policy. For example, the repeated use of the term “weapons of mass destruction” to describe the potential threat from Iraq before the 2003 war merged the danger that Baghdad still had anthrax-filled shells, which was possible, with the danger that it had nuclear bombs, which was highly unlikely. Similarly, saying that Syria has "weapons of mass destruction" merges the danger that it has chemical weapons, which is almost certainly true, with the danger that it has a nuclear bomb, which is certainly not true. The first threat is real, but its elimination requires an entirely different set of policies than does the second. The term also blurs the possible responses to threats, justifying for some the use of nuclear weapons to prevent a potential chemical weapons attack. Deadly Arsenals disaggregates these threats, considering weapons and programs as they actually appear.
Will changing a few words really make much difference? It might. Understanding that not all weapons are equal and, we would argue, that nuclear weapons are the weapons most likely to cause massive destruction should help journalists, experts, and policy makers focus attention on the most critical threats. This does not mean that we would slow down for one minute the destruction of the 40,000 tons of chemical weapons in Russia or the 30,000 tons of chemical weapons in the United States. Nor does it mean we can let up in efforts to thwart biological weapon programs or pandemics. It might help, however, speed up existing efforts to eliminate and secure nuclear bomb materials before terrorist groups can get to them. Greater precision on the threats could lead to greater precision on policy.
This change in language is a decision taken by the Deadly Arsenals authors, but one supported by our Carnegie colleagues expert on these issues, including Carnegie President Jessica Mathews, Vice-president George Perkovich and Senior Associate Rose Gottemoeller. We hope that other scholars and organizations will also consider making the switch.
About the Author
Former Senior Associate, Director for NonProliferation
- Universal Compliance: A Strategy for Nuclear Security<br>With 2007 Report Card on ProgressReport
- The End of NeoconservatismArticle
Joseph Cirincione
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Europe
- Europe on Iran: Gone with the WindCommentary
Europe’s reaction to the war in Iran has been disunited and meek, a far cry from its previously leading role in diplomacy with Tehran. To avoid being condemned to the sidelines while escalation continues, Brussels needs to stand up for international law.
Pierre Vimont
- Macron Makes France a Great Middle PowerCommentary
France has stopped clinging to notions of being a great power and is embracing the middle power moment. But Emmanuel Macron has his work cut out if he is to secure his country’s global standing before his term in office ends.
Rym Momtaz
- How Turkey Can Help the Economies of the South Caucasus to DiversifyArticle
Over the past two decades, regional collaboration in the South Caucasus has intensified. Turkey and the EU should establish a cooperation framework to accelerate economic development and diversification.
Feride İnan, Güven Sak, Berat Yücel
- Taking the Pulse: Can the EU Attract Foreign Investment and Reduce Dependencies?Commentary
EU member states clash over how to boost the union’s competitiveness: Some want to favor European industries in public procurement, while others worry this could deter foreign investment. So, can the EU simultaneously attract global capital and reduce dependencies?
Rym Momtaz, ed.
- What Can the EU Do About Trump 2.0?Article
Europe’s policy of subservience to the Trump administration has failed. For Washington to take the EU seriously, its leaders now need to combine engagement with robust pushback.
Stefan Lehne