• Research
  • Diwan
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Middle East logoCarnegie lettermark logo
LebanonIran
{
  "authors": [
    "C. Raja Mohan"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie India"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie India",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "South Asia",
    "India"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie India

Raja Mandala: Message From the Maha Kumbh

An interfaith symposium in Ujjain highlights one of the unique features of the NDA government’s international relations—putting religion at the heart of India’s cultural diplomacy.

Link Copied
By C. Raja Mohan
Published on May 10, 2016

Source: Indian Express

The city of Ujjain in central India would seem an unlikely place for the conduct of Indian diplomacy. Madhya Pradesh (MP) is, in fact, among the few states of India that neither has a coast nor an international border.

But the state’s rich heritage has always made it an important location on the world’s cultural map. Delhi has now chosen to lend a diplomatic dimension to the ancient city of Ujjain, by internationalising this year’s month-long Simhasth Maha Kumbh festival that began in April on the banks of the Kshipra river.

Ujjain is among the four cities where the Maha Kumbh is celebrated every 12 years, drawing millions of pilgrims for a holy dip. The other three are Haridwar, Allahabad and Nashik. The BJP government in MP and the NDA government in Delhi have decided to host a “spiritual maha kumbh” of religious leaders from across India and the world this week in Ujjain.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will participate in the concluding session of the inter-faith symposium on Saturday. Many foreign envoys in Delhi are expected to join. The president of Nepal, Bidhya Devi Bhandari, pulled out last week amidst political turbulence in Kathmandu. Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena will be present and lend the occasion some diplomatic gravitas.

Coming at the end of the NDA government’s second year in power, the Ujjain event highlights one of the unique features of the NDA government’s international relations — putting religion at the heart of India’s cultural diplomacy.

It was India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and his education minister, Abul Kalam Azad, who founded the Indian Council of Cultural Relations in 1950. Nehru and Azad understood the subcontinent’s vast cultural inheritance must necessarily play a role in modern India’s international engagement. Nehru, however, was clear in his mind that religion must be kept out of India’s diplomacy. This unwritten norm laid down by Nehru was followed largely by his successors, including Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the first BJP prime minister.

The one exception to the secular approach to foreign policy occurred when India sought to join the Organisation of the Islamic Conference when it was founded in 1969. (The OIC has since been renamed as the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation). The rebuff from the OIC, at the behest of Pakistan, in fact, seemed to reinforce the taboo in Delhi against mixing religion with foreign policy. Not any longer.

While the governments in Delhi sought to separate faith and foreign policy, India’s religion and philosophy had begun to acquire a special niche in the global market for spiritualism in the 1960s. The famous seekers who came to India included the Beatles, who spent time at Maharishi Mahesh Yogi’s ashram in Rishikesh in 1968. That tradition continues as ordinary men and women, celebrities, and world leaders make the passage to India.

Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook revealed last year that he had visited the Kainchi Dham in Uttarakhand at the suggestion of Steve Jobs, the founder of Apple, who had visited the ashram in the 1970s. Meanwhile, the Indian godmen and gurus responded to a growing market in the world, especially in the West. Yoga and meditation gained large followings around the world, including in the East.

Delhi and its diplomatic establishment took a somewhat bemused and detached view of this growing spiritual engagement between India and the world. Prime Minister Modi, however, appears to have taken a conscious decision to integrate religion into India’s diplomacy.

In the last two years, he has taken a number of steps in this direction. His worship at the Pashupatinath temple in Kathmandu and prayers at a Buddhist temple in Kyoto during 2014 were, at once, acts of personal religiosity and part of a conscious strategy to deepen the links with the people of these countries. His decision to invite the visiting Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to the Ganga worship in Varanasi last year and the invitations to the presidents of Nepal and Sri Lanka to join the Maha Kumbh celebrations in Ujjain this week are one part of the unfolding story of religion and the new Indian diplomacy. The diplomatic campaign to get the United Nations to declare June 21 as the International Yoga Day is another.

Even more significant has been Modi’s conscious strategy to build on the Hindu-Buddhist links between India and a large number of Asian countries. Last year, he also joined the participants of a Hindu-Buddhist conference in Delhi and Bodh Gaya. Earlier this year, the PM had convened a World Sufi Forum that brought Islamic scholars from around the world to Delhi as part of Modi’s conviction that mobilising the religious and spiritual traditions is critical to combating violent extremism and building a harmonious society.

The Maha Kumbh in Ujjain suggests Modi’s religious diplomacy is here to stay. While traditionalists would demur, the PM seems quite convinced that religion, as an integral part of India’s culture, must also be an important component of Indian diplomacy.

This article originally appeared in the Indian Express.

About the Author

C. Raja Mohan

Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India

A leading analyst of India’s foreign policy, Mohan is also an expert on South Asian security, great-power relations in Asia, and arms control.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Deepening the India-France Maritime Partnership

      C. Raja Mohan, Darshana M. Baruah

  • Commentary
    Shanghai Cooperation Organization at Crossroads: Views From Moscow, Beijing and New Delhi
      • Alexander Gabuev
      • +1

      Alexander Gabuev, Paul Haenle, C. Raja Mohan, …

C. Raja Mohan
Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India
Foreign PolicySouth AsiaIndia

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center

  • people watching smoke rising at sunrise from rooftops
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Bombing Campaigns Do Not Bring About Democracy. Nor Does Regime Change Without a Plan.

    Just look at Iraq in 1991.

      Marwan Muasher

  • Commentary
    Diwan
    Iran and the New Geopolitical Moment

    A coalition of states is seeking to avert a U.S. attack, and Israel is in the forefront of their mind.

      Michael Young

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Baku Proceeds With Caution as Ethnic Azeris Join Protests in Neighboring Iran

    Baku may allow radical nationalists to publicly discuss “reunification” with Azeri Iranians, but the president and key officials prefer not to comment publicly on the protests in Iran.

      Bashir Kitachaev

  • Commentary
    Diwan
    Iran’s Woes Aren’t Only Domestic

    The country’s leadership is increasingly uneasy about multiple challenges from the Levant to the South Caucasus.

      Armenak Tokmajyan

  • A municipal employee raises the US flag among those of other nations in Sharm el-Sheikh, as the Egyptian Red Sea resort town gets ready to receive international leaders, following a Gaza ceasefire agreement, on October 11, 2025.
    Article
    The Tragedy of Middle Eastern Politics

    The countries of the region have engaged in sustained competition that has tested their capacities and limitations, while resisting domination by rivals. Can a more stable order emerge from this maelstrom, and what would it require?

      • Mohamed Ali Adraoui

      Hamza Meddeb, Mohamed Ali Adraoui

Get more news and analysis from
Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center
Carnegie Middle East logo, white
  • Research
  • Diwan
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.