More than likely, the U.S.-Israeli operating system will fi nd a way to manage or muddlethrough these issues—especially in an election year—without a sustained break orfracture in the relationship. But what are the trend lines?

The Biden administration must ensure that it does not give away too much to Riyadh without asking enough from Jerusalem, especially when it comes to the concerns of the Palestinians.

Three powerful forces are worsening an already volatile situation: a weak Palestinian Authority unable to control violence and terror; a soon-to-be-announced radical, right-wing Israeli government; and a risk-averse Biden administration whose instincts will be to try to avoid getting entangled in this mess.

For the first time in more than a decade, it looks as though Benjamin Netanyahu will soon be out of power in Israel. What many assumed would play to the longtime prime minister’s advantage has instead led to one of the most surprising turns in Israeli politics in years.

Israel and Iran aren’t yet on the verge of a major escalation or war, and continued progress on the Iran nuclear talks in Vienna would likely forestall one, if Israel judges that trying to undermine a deal would exact too great a cost in its relations with Washington. But the factors that might well produce a significant blowup are now aligning in frightening fashion.

On March 23, for the fourth time in a little over two years, Israelis went to the polls to determine who will be the next prime minister and who will govern the country.

The United States cannot continue to go it alone in the Middle East. Here’s why a selective multilateral approach to fixing problems in the region will bring better results.