Yukon Huang, Isaac B. Kardon, Matt Sheehan
{
"authors": [
"Yukon Huang"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie China"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie China",
"programAffiliation": "AP",
"programs": [
"Asia"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"East Asia",
"China"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Economy",
"Domestic Politics"
]
}Source: Getty
China in 2012: Fixated on Stability as the Pressures Grow
As China’s leaders seek to preserve stability in 2012, they face a host of challenges, including reduced economic flexibility, increasing social, unrest, widening income disparities, and escalating external tensions.
Source: Financial Times

In truth, slower growth of around 8 per cent could be better for China and the world. More environmentally sustainable and equitable outcomes would ease popular concerns and higher consumption would improve global trade tensions.
But many foresee an economic collapse, arguing that a prolonged eurozone crisis coupled with a property bubble could render vast swaths of industry unprofitable. This would reveal hidden financial vulnerabilities and feed a downward spiral. Others believe that Beijing has ample resources to avoid a crisis, but argue that with a growth model based on infrastructure and land sales, and with exchange and interest rates rigidly controlled, it may not have all the necessary tools at its disposal.
Domestically, an increasingly active middle class is generating pressure for more accountable governance. Mounting inequalities have nurtured a sense of injustice, 200m migrant workers remain second class citizens and corruption is worsening. Tackling these problems is urgent, but China’s economic successes have fostered an unwarranted self-confidence. Instead, motivated by the Arab Spring, the system has moved aggressively to contain any social discontent that might spark more politically sensitive movements.
China’s economic prowess is also seen by outsiders as having stimulated nationalism in a generation removed from the Cultural Revolution. Beijing’s belligerent responses to overlapping maritime claims have heightened worries about its security objectives in a region already wary of its economic clout. This is one factor in Japan’s decision to relax its ban on weapons exports; to China’s dismay, it has also driven its neighbours to support a stronger US presence in Asia and complicated regional trade integration initiatives.
The potential for conflict will force China and the US to redefine their respective roles in a shifting environment that neither is comfortable with. Tensions will be further aggravated by anti-China trade sentiments during the American elections. Asian countries are in a position to delineate the boundaries of influence for these two powers but, given their varied interests, alliances will shift depending on individual concerns.
China must walk a very narrow line at a time when its outgoing leadership is reluctant to take any far-sighted decisions.
About the Author
Senior Fellow, Asia Program
Huang is a senior fellow in the Carnegie Asia Program where his research focuses on China’s economy and its regional and global impact.
- Three Takeaways From the Biden-Xi MeetingCommentary
- Europe Narrowly Navigates De-risking Between Washington and BeijingCommentary
Yukon Huang, Genevieve Slosberg
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- The Much-Touted Middle Corridor Transport Route Could Prove a Dead EndCommentary
For the Middle Corridor to fulfill its promises, one of these routes must become scalable. At present, neither is.
Friedrich Conradi
- Why Is Belarus’s Approach to Online Censorship So Different From Russia’s?Commentary
For Lukashenko, abandoning Western internet services and embracing Russian equivalents would mean tying himself even closer to Moscow.
Artyom Shraibman
- The Rada Reawakens: Ukraine’s Messy Politics ReturnsCommentary
The return of parliamentary politics reflects a broader shift from earlier expectations of a settlement and elections toward the reality of a prolonged war.
Balázs Jarábik
- What Does Nuclear Proliferation in East Asia Mean for Russia?Commentary
Troubled by the growing salience of nuclear debates in East Asia, Moscow has responded in its usual way: with condemnation and threats. But by exacerbating insecurity, Russia is forcing South Korea and Japan to consider radical security options.
James D.J. Brown
- Who Is Responsible for the Demise of the Russian Internet?Commentary
The Russian state has opted for complete ideological control of the internet and is prepared to bear the associated costs.
Maria Kolomychenko