• Research
  • Politika
  • About
Carnegie Russia Eurasia center logoCarnegie lettermark logo
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Yukon Huang"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie China"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie China",
  "programAffiliation": "AP",
  "programs": [
    "Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "East Asia",
    "China"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Economy",
    "Domestic Politics"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie China

China in 2012: Fixated on Stability as the Pressures Grow

As China’s leaders seek to preserve stability in 2012, they face a host of challenges, including reduced economic flexibility, increasing social, unrest, widening income disparities, and escalating external tensions.

Link Copied
By Yukon Huang
Published on Dec 27, 2011

Source: Financial Times

China in 2012, Economy, TransitionHistory will look back on 2012 as the year when China anointed its “fifth generation” of leaders and shifted to a slower growth trajectory. This transition will take place against a backdrop of daunting internal challenges -increasing social unrest, widening income disparities and both ecological and man-made disasters - and of escalating external tensions stemming from America’s “pivot” to Asia and simmering regional worries about China’s economic rise. While the political system will be fixated on preserving stability as new leaders take the helm, reduced economic flexibility could thwart Beijing’s intentions to do so.

In truth, slower growth of around 8 per cent could be better for China and the world. More environmentally sustainable and equitable outcomes would ease popular concerns and higher consumption would improve global trade tensions.

But many foresee an economic collapse, arguing that a prolonged eurozone crisis coupled with a property bubble could render vast swaths of industry unprofitable. This would reveal hidden financial vulnerabilities and feed  a downward spiral. Others believe that Beijing has ample resources to avoid a crisis, but argue that with a growth model based on infrastructure and land sales, and with exchange and interest rates rigidly controlled, it may not have all the necessary tools at its disposal.

Domestically, an increasingly active middle class is generating pressure for more accountable governance. Mounting inequalities have nurtured a sense of injustice, 200m migrant workers remain second class citizens and corruption is worsening. Tackling these problems is urgent, but China’s economic successes have fostered an unwarranted self-confidence. Instead, motivated by the Arab Spring, the system has moved aggressively to contain any social discontent that might spark more politically sensitive movements.

China’s economic prowess is also seen by outsiders as having stimulated nationalism in a generation removed from the Cultural Revolution. Beijing’s belligerent responses to overlapping maritime claims have heightened worries about its security objectives in a region already wary of its economic clout. This is one factor in Japan’s decision to relax its ban on weapons exports; to China’s dismay, it has also driven its neighbours to support a stronger US presence in Asia and complicated regional trade integration initiatives.

The potential for conflict will force China and the US to redefine their respective roles in a shifting environment that neither is comfortable with. Tensions will be further aggravated by anti-China trade sentiments during the American elections. Asian countries are in a position to delineate the boundaries of influence for these two powers but, given their varied interests, alliances will shift depending on individual concerns.

China must walk a very narrow line at a time when its outgoing leadership is reluctant to take any far-sighted decisions.

This article originally appeared in the Financial Times.

About the Author

Yukon Huang

Senior Fellow, Asia Program

Huang is a senior fellow in the Carnegie Asia Program where his research focuses on China’s economy and its regional and global impact.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Three Takeaways From the Biden-Xi Meeting

      Yukon Huang, Isaac B. Kardon, Matt Sheehan

  • Commentary
    Europe Narrowly Navigates De-risking Between Washington and Beijing

      Yukon Huang, Genevieve Slosberg

Yukon Huang
Senior Fellow, Asia Program
Yukon Huang
Political ReformEconomyDomestic PoliticsEast AsiaChina

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    The Much-Touted Middle Corridor Transport Route Could Prove a Dead End

    For the Middle Corridor to fulfill its promises, one of these routes must become scalable. At present, neither is.

      Friedrich Conradi

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Why Is Belarus’s Approach to Online Censorship So Different From Russia’s?

    For Lukashenko, abandoning Western internet services and embracing Russian equivalents would mean tying himself even closer to Moscow.

      Artyom Shraibman

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    The Rada Reawakens: Ukraine’s Messy Politics Returns

    The return of parliamentary politics reflects a broader shift from earlier expectations of a settlement and elections toward the reality of a prolonged war.

      Balázs Jarábik

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What Does Nuclear Proliferation in East Asia Mean for Russia?

    Troubled by the growing salience of nuclear debates in East Asia, Moscow has responded in its usual way: with condemnation and threats. But by exacerbating insecurity, Russia is forcing South Korea and Japan to consider radical security options.

      James D.J. Brown

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Who Is Responsible for the Demise of the Russian Internet?

    The Russian state has opted for complete ideological control of the internet and is prepared to bear the associated costs.

      Maria Kolomychenko

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
Carnegie Russia Eurasia logo, white
  • Research
  • Politika
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.