Petr Topychkanov
{
"authors": [
"Petr Topychkanov"
],
"type": "commentary",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Russia"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Civil Society"
]
}Source: Getty
Pogroms
Last weekend, two districts of Moscow became a battlefield between the police and the people described as nationalists by mass media or as hooligans by the authorities. Moscow has been a place of pogroms many times, but this time the authorities were more efficient than in previous cases.
Last weekend, two districts of Moscow became a battlefield between the police and the people described as nationalists by mass media or as hooligans by the authorities. The pretext was a murder of a Muscovite by a person of a South Caucasus origin. The Ministry of Internal Affairs launched an operation Vulcan to prevent proliferation of the riots and detain suspect organizers and activists of those events. Over 200 people were arrested. About a dozen police were injured.
Moscow has been a place of pogroms many times, including several incidences after the Soviet Union collapse. It seems that last weekend the authorities were more efficient than in previous cases, yet still not enough. The question is, how efficient they can be?
According to several studies of the mass violence phenomenon worldwide, the first wave of pogroms is often missed by the law enforcement agencies, despite their awareness of a high probability of pogroms. It can be explained in two ways. On the one hand, these agencies need some time to assess probability and possible scale of pogroms in order to deploy an appropriate number of troops.
On another hand, the agencies can actually let rioters initiate pogroms attempting to achieve two goals. One of them is the canalization of feelings of disobedience of people. The second goal may be to exert pressure on some communities which become the target of such pogroms.
Anyway, the perception of a pogrom as chaos does not reflect the reality. According to Natalie Zemon Davis, “Even in the extreme case of religious violence, crowds do not act in a mindless way”. This can be witnessed in many incidences. For instance, Ian Talbot in his study of The 1947 Violence in Punjab demonstrated the existence of an organized effort behind the mass violence and a certain structure to support it.
What we can do if the pogrom is not totally unavoidable? I absolutely agree with doctor Davis, who argues that if we want to secure trust and ensure safety in society and to guarantee that the violence it generates will take the least cruel of forms, then we must think more about changing the central values of the society to emphasize tolerance and the use of non-violent ways of conflict resolution.
About the Author
Former Fellow, Nonproliferation Program, Moscow Center
Topychkanov was a fellow in the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Nonproliferation Program.
- Iranian and Russian Perspectives on the Global SystemIn The Media
- Premonition of Nuclear ThreatIn The Media
Petr Topychkanov
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center
- Blocking of Telegram App Sparks Rare Public Rift Among Russia’s ElitesCommentary
The prospect of a total block on Russia’s most popular messaging app has sparked disagreement between the regime’s political managers and its security agencies.
Andrey Pertsev
- The Afghanistan–Pakistan War Poses Awkward Questions for RussiaCommentary
Not only does the fighting jeopardize regional security, it undermines Russian attempts to promote alternatives to the Western-dominated world order.
Ruslan Suleymanov
- After Ilia II: What Will a New Patriarch Mean for Georgia?Commentary
The front-runner to succeed Ilia II, Metropolitan Shio, is prone to harsh anti-Western rhetoric and frequent criticism of “liberal ideologies” that he claims threaten the Georgian state. This raises fears that under his leadership the Georgian Orthodox Church will lose its unifying role and become an instrument of ultraconservative ideology.
Bashir Kitachaev
- What the Russian Energy Sector Stands to Gain From War in the Middle EastCommentary
The future trajectory of the U.S.-Iran war remains uncertain, but its impact on global energy trade flows and ties will be far-reaching. Moscow is likely to become a key beneficiary of these changes; the crisis in the Gulf also strengthens Russia’s hand in its relationships with China and India, where advantages might prove more durable.
Sergey Vakulenko
- Beyond Oil: Hormuz Closure Puts Russia in the Lead in the Fertilizer MarketCommentary
The Kremlin expects to not only profit from rising fertilizer prices but also exact revenge for the collapse of the 2023 grain deal.
Alexandra Prokopenko