• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Dmitri Trenin"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "East Asia",
    "Caucasus",
    "Russia",
    "Western Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Democracy",
    "Security",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Commentary
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

Sochi: The Game of Politics

The Sochi Olympics are more politicized than any other Games in recent history. A number of world leaders have announced that they would not attend the Games. However, the Kremlin uses foreign criticism as proof of the West's perennial desire to hold Russia back, and keep it weak.

Link Copied
By Dmitri Trenin
Published on Jan 27, 2014

The Sochi Olympics, which start in ten days, are more politicized than any other Games in recent history. Parallels to the 1980 Moscow Olympics are not far-fetched. Then, the Games were boycotted by the United States and many of its allies, to punish the Soviet Union for the invasion of Afghanistan. Now, while there is no question of withdrawing national teams from the competition, a number of world leaders, led by U.S. President Barack Obama, have announced that they would not attend the Games as VIP spectators, a new fad among the global high and mighty.

The reason most often mentioned for this no-show is the newly adopted Russian legislation which bans gay propaganda to minors. This legislation, resulting from the Kremlin-led domestic swing toward conservatism, has aroused the LGBT community around the world. Russia stands accused by them as condoning discrimination and thus infringing on the Olympic spirit. Official Russian assurances that athletes have nothing to fear in Russia have failed to placate the LGBT activists, though few athletes have called off their participation on these grounds. What the LGBT campaign has actually done was to give more attention to Russia than it was accorded in the past decade.

This attention ranges from the record cost of the Games ($50 billion) and the inevitable issue of corruption to the situation in the North Caucasus where Sochi is located to the problem of security and, in particular, terrorism. What emerges under this critical scrutiny is a country which has been able to build impressive infrastructure in time for the Games, which was not a given when Sochi was awarded the Winter Olympics, but where roads, bridges, and airports cost much more than elsewhere in the world. What emerges is also a country which can ensure massive security presence in Sochi, but cannot protect its citizens everywhere from terrorist attacks.

This coverage, negative on balance, will be seen in Moscow as predictable. In reality, Russian leaders care even less about their image abroad than they claim. Rather, the Kremlin uses foreign criticism as proof of the West's perennial desire to hold Russia back, and keep it weak. The diplomatic quasi-boycott by the United States and its European allies will give even more prominence to the visit by China's leader Xi Jinping, his third to Russia in 12 months. Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is also expected to come, ahead of Vladimir Putin's visit to his country later this year. Not all Western visitors will stay away either. The Netherlands will be represented by the King Willem-Alexander, the Queen Máxima and the Prime Minister Mark Rutte. As for Barack Obama, Angela Merkel, David Cameron and François Hollande, they will not be able to escape Putin's hospitality in Sochi: four months after the Olympics kick-off, the Russian president will be hosting the G8 summit there.

About the Author

Dmitri Trenin

Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center

Trenin was director of the Carnegie Moscow Center from 2008 to early 2022.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Mapping Russia’s New Approach to the Post-Soviet Space

      Dmitri Trenin

  • Commentary
    What a Week of Talks Between Russia and the West Revealed

      Dmitri Trenin

Dmitri Trenin
Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center
Political ReformDemocracySecurityForeign PolicyNorth AmericaUnited StatesEast AsiaCaucasusRussiaWestern Europe

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    Emissary
    Trump and Xi Are Angling for Three Years of Stability

    But their "principal to principal" model will only be as effective as the political strength of each leader back home.

      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    China Sells Stability Amid American Volatility

    U.S. unpredictability has allowed China to capitalize on its positioning as the “responsible great power”. Paradoxically, the more China wins the perception game, the more likely expectations will rise for Beijing to deliver not just words but to demonstrate with its deeds.

      Chong Ja Ian

  • Vietnam's Top Leader To Lam meets with young representatives from China and Vietnam participating in the "Red Study Tours" at the Great Hall of the People on April 15, 2026 in Beijing, China. T
    Commentary
    Why Vietnam Is Swinging in China’s Direction

    Hanoi and Beijing have long treated each other as distant cousins rather than comrades in arms. That might be changing as both sides draw closer to hedge against uncertainty and America’s erratic behavior.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Energy Security Doesn’t Run Through Hormuz but Through the Electrification of Everything

    Across Asia, China is better positioned to withstand energy shocks from the fallout of the Iran war. Its abundant coal capacity can ensure stability in the near term. Yet at the same time, the country’s energy transition away from coal will make it even less vulnerable during the next shock.


      • Damien Ma

      Damien Ma

  • Commentary
    Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing Disorder

    Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.

      Elina Noor

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
Keck Seng Tower133 Cecil Street #10-01ASingapore, 069535Phone: +65 9650 7648
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.