• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUNATO
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Amr Hamzawy"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "Arab Awakening"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North Africa",
    "Tunisia",
    "Maghreb"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

Tunisia: Revolution Shows Hollowness of Arab System in Face of People Power

The recent revolution in Tunisia demonstrates the strong potential for citizens to rise up against authoritarianism and should serve as encouragement for Arab leaders to implement democratic change in their own nations.

Link Copied
By Amr Hamzawy
Published on Jan 19, 2011

Source: Los Angeles Times

Tunisia: Revolution Shows Hollowness of Arab Syste
The citizens’ revolution in Tunisia that forced dictator Zine el Abidine ben Ali to flee the country provides many lessons for the Arab world. Regimes should keep the lessons in mind to avoid repeating Tunisia’s experience in their own countries, while citizens can draw inspiration in hopes of effecting democratic change.
 
First, Tunisian citizens have reminded Arabs of the main lesson of democratic transformations: Never underestimate the potential of peoples stifled under the yoke of authoritarianism. No matter how long the rule lasts or how tight its grip, citizens will instigate change through sudden revolutions and uprisings with the power to overcome corruption and bullets.
 
Second, Arabs have learned that authoritarian regimes lack public legitimacy, even if they create economic growth. Under Ben Ali, Tunisia had the highest growth rate among Arab countries outside the Gulf region; average annual individual income rose to $4,000, education became more widespread, and illiteracy rates were cut significantly.
 
Once this growth stagnated, however, many Tunisians became dissatisfied and had no place to turn to air their grievances. Their concerns about bread-and-butter issues quickly evolved into a broader demand for political liberties and democracy.
 
Third, authoritarian leaders are incapable of comprehending people’s suffering. Ben Ali and his ministers ignored rising unemployment rates of 40% among the educated youth and the increasing gap between rich and poor. When street protests turned into a larger uprising, Ben Ali’s regime responded with bullets and clubs. It was only in the final days of his 23-year rule that Ben Ali promised citizens economic and social development, government accountability and democratic change. He convinced no one.
 
Fourth, attempts to overthrow authoritarian rule can occur spontaneously and gain momentum quickly. Demonstrators in Tunisia went beyond raising slogans of democracy, human rights and good governance by forcing the regime to acknowledge their basic social and economic rights. While the cost of overcoming Ben Ali’s regime was high — some 70 Tunisians were killed before he left the country — the demonstrators’ speed and persistence, as well as their growing ability to use social media, were successful in facilitating change.
 
Finally, authoritarian rulers in the Arab world who form friendships with the West — as Tunisia did — should recall the Islamic revolution of Iran in 1979 that overthrew Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Despite the West’s support for the authoritarian ruler, dictators can be removed from office and Western capitals are among the first to give up on them.
 
If Arab leaders of recalcitrant regimes heed these lessons, they should seek to implement democratic change in measured steps. Within a few weeks, they can impose a democratic form of government, despite the absence of viable opposition. That would benefit not only those in power, but their citizens as well.

About the Author

Amr Hamzawy

Director, Middle East Program

Amr Hamzawy is a senior fellow and the director of the Carnegie Middle East Program. His research and writings focus on Egypt’s and other middle powers’ involvement in regional security in the Middle East, particularly through collective diplomacy and multilateral conflict resolution

    Recent Work

  • Article
    The Iran War Shows the Limits of U.S. Power

      Amr Hamzawy

  • Q&A
    The Myriad Problems With the Iran Ceasefire
      • Andrew Leber
      • Eric Lob
      • +1

      Amr Hamzawy, Andrew Leber, Eric Lob, …

Amr Hamzawy
Director, Middle East Program
Amr Hamzawy
Political ReformNorth AfricaTunisiaMaghreb

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Europe flags citizens demonstration
    Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    EU Enlargement Forgets Europeans

    Preparing candidate countries for EU membership is no longer enough. As the enlargement process becomes a reality, the union must also prepare its own societies.

      Iliriana Gjoni

  • Article
    EU Integration Without Ratification?

    Countries face several hurdles in joining the EU, including the final stage of ratifying their accession treaties. Procedural reforms and substantive adjustments could help move the process forward.

      Stefan Lehne

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    There Is No Shortcut for Europe in Armenia

    Europe has an interest in supporting Armenian leader Nikol Pashinyan as he tries to make peace with neighbors and loosen ties with Russia. But it is depersonalized support in the long term, not quickfire flash, that will win the day.

      Thomas de Waal

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    How to Join the EU in Three Easy Steps

    Montenegro and Albania are frontrunners for EU enlargement in the Western Balkans, but they can’t just sit back and wait. To meet their 2030 accession ambitions, they must make a strong positive case.

      Dimitar Bechev, Iliriana Gjoni

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    The EU Needs a Third Way in Iran

    European reactions to the war in Iran have lost sight of wider political dynamics. The EU must position itself for the next phase of the crisis without giving up on its principles.

      Richard Youngs

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.