The current U.S. indifference to human rights means Astana no longer has any incentive to refuse extradition requests from its authoritarian neighbors—including Russia.
Temur Umarov
{
"authors": [],
"type": "pressRelease",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "russia",
"programs": [
"Russia and Eurasia"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Caucasus",
"Georgia"
],
"topics": [
"Foreign Policy"
]
}REQUIRED IMAGE
Georgia is entering a period of political transition and will have a new constitution after parliamentary and presidential elections in 2012 and 2013. While the current government has made progress in building a functioning state, the country’s economic situation is increasingly uncertain.
WASHINGTON—Georgia is entering a period of political transition and will have a new constitution after parliamentary and presidential elections in 2012 and 2013. While the current government has made progress in building a functioning state, the country’s economic situation is increasingly uncertain.
In a new report, Thomas de Waal examines the challenges facing Georgia and argues that the government must start building institutions and choose a long-term development model after years of governing in an informal and improvisational way. The governing elite has no serious domestic political opposition and risks turning Georgia into a one-party state.
Models for Georgia’s Future:
“Georgia now faces real dilemmas whose resolution will determine how the country develops,” de Waal writes. “Greater integration with the EU will not deliver an economic miracle to Georgia, but having a European anchor would ensure greater political stability for Georgia, which in turn would benefit the economy.”
NOTES
Click here to read the full report
Thomas de Waal is a senior associate in the Russia and Eurasia Program at the Carnegie Endowment, specializing primarily in the South Caucasus region comprising Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and their breakaway territories, as well as the wider Black Sea region.
The Carnegie Russia and Eurasia Program has, since the end of the Cold War, led the field on Eurasian security, including strategic nuclear weapons and nonproliferation, development, economic and social issues, governance, and the rule of law.
Press Contact: Karly Schledwitz, +1 202 939 2233, pressoffice@ceip.org
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
The current U.S. indifference to human rights means Astana no longer has any incentive to refuse extradition requests from its authoritarian neighbors—including Russia.
Temur Umarov
Most of Moscow’s military resources are tied up in Ukraine, while Beijing’s foreign policy prioritizes economic ties and avoids direct conflict.
Alexander Gabuev, Temur Umarov
With the White House only interested in economic dealmaking, Georgia finds itself eclipsed by what Armenia and Azerbaijan can offer.
Bashir Kitachaev
If the regime in Tehran survives, it could be obliged to hand Moscow significant political influence in exchange for supplies of weapons and humanitarian aid.
Nikita Smagin
The interventions in Iran and Venezuela are in keeping with Trump’s strategy of containing China, but also strengthen Russia’s position.
Mikhail Korostikov