• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Thomas de Waal"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [
    "Eurasia in Transition"
  ],
  "regions": [
    "Middle East",
    "Türkiye",
    "Caucasus",
    "Armenia",
    "Western Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Commentary
Carnegie Europe

Armenia, Turkey Clashing Over April 24

The Turkish government’s decision to hold a ceremony to commemorate the Gallipoli battles on April 24, in competition with the Armenian commemorations in Yerevan, looks like a political mistake.

Link Copied
By Thomas de Waal
Published on Mar 11, 2015
Project hero Image

Project

Eurasia in Transition

Learn More

In six weeks’ time, on April 24, Armenia and Turkey will hold competing centennial commemorations, each studying the international guest list to see who did and did not come.

It is a political row that could easily have been avoided if the Turkish government had moved its ceremony honoring the Battle of Gallipoli only one day later, to April 25. It has been obvious for many years that on April 24 Armenians will commemorate the centenary of the tragedy of 1915 they now know as the Armenian Genocide. They first marked that day in 1919 in British-administered Istanbul. In 1915, April 24 was the day that 200 Armenian leaders and intellectuals were arrested by the Ottoman authorities as a prelude to the mass deportation and partial destruction of the entire Armenian population of the empire.

The following day, April 25, 1915, British imperial forces, along with men from the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps or ANZAC in the forefront, landed at Gallipoli to try and capture Istanbul and defeat the Ottoman empire. Thousands of soldiers died. Very soon April 25 was known as ANZAC day.

April 25 was therefore the obvious day to hold international commemorations for the Gallipoli battles. Another possible date would have been March 18, the day in 1915 when the Allied force first sailed up the Straits and began the campaign. On that day in 1934, a moving and famous speech written by Turkish leader Mustafa Kemal (soon to be renamed Ataturk) was delivered. In it the mothers of his former adversaries were told to “wipe away their tears,” and that “there is no difference between the Johnnies and Mehmets to us, where they lie side by side here in this country of ours.”

However, current Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan chose to hold the Gallipoli centennial ceremonies on April 24, precipitating a direct clash with the commemorations in Yerevan. The obvious conclusion is that this was a direct attempt to divert attention and guests from the Armenian commemorations.

By doing this, Erdoğan undid some of the good work he had done last year by issuing the first ever statement of condolences to the Armenians by a Turkish leader.

And it was also a political miscalculation. The Today Zaman newspaper reported on February 21 that preparations for the Gallipoli ceremonies had been suspended because “only five countries have accepted the invitation and they will not be represented by high-level officials.”

Official sources then dismissed the report, noting that Today Zaman is affiliated with Turkey’s new opposition, the Gulenist movement.

Even if it does go ahead, the Gallipoli ceremony lacks international resonance. It is fundamentally a story for six nations: Turkey, Australia, France, Great Britain, India, and New Zealand. Prince Charles will be coming from Britain, but there will be no high-level American guest for example.

Gallipoli and the Armenian deportations already had unfortunate connections that were best kept separate. The paranoid Young Turks may well have arrested the Armenian leaders as a kind of pre-emptive strike against presumed “fifth columnists” ahead of the anticipated Allied landings. The moving 1934 speech at Gallipoli was delivered on behalf of Ataturk by Interior Minister Şükrü Kaya, one of the Ottoman officials directly in charge of the Armenian deportations.

More recently, the Turkish government suggested it might not invite officials from New South Wales to the ceremony, after that Australian state parliament passed an Armenian genocide resolution.

For the government of Armenia, having a big turnout in Yerevan on April 24 is probably the main priority for 2015. (Although they would not say it out loud, it is probably a bigger priority than getting a genocide recognition resolution in the U.S. Congress.)

The Armenians have already secured the presence of French President Francois Hollande in Yerevan. And it is likely that a senior U.S. official, perhaps Secretary of State John Kerry, will attend as well.

Turkey has changed so much in the last few years that there will also be an Armenian remembrance ceremony on Taksim Square in the heart of Istanbul that same evening.

Fortunately, those who want to attend the ceremonies in both in Yerevan and in Istanbul—where the fateful events of April 24, 1915 actually occurred—may be able to do both. The travel company that runs the air link between Istanbul and Yerevan is planning to organize a special charter flight so that people can be part of the commemorations in both cities on the same day.

Thomas de Waal
Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Thomas de Waal
Foreign PolicyMiddle EastTürkiyeCaucasusArmeniaWestern Europe

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Can the EU Attract Foreign Investment and Reduce Dependencies?

    EU member states clash over how to boost the union’s competitiveness: Some want to favor European industries in public procurement, while others worry this could deter foreign investment. So, can the EU simultaneously attract global capital and reduce dependencies?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • Article
    What Can the EU Do About Trump 2.0?

    Europe’s policy of subservience to the Trump administration has failed. For Washington to take the EU seriously, its leaders now need to combine engagement with robust pushback.

      Stefan Lehne

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    To Survive, the EU Must Split

    Leaning into a multispeed Europe that includes the UK is the way Europeans don’t get relegated to suffering what they must, while the mighty United States and China do what they want.

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europolis, Where Europe Ends

    A prophetic Romanian novel about a town at the mouth of the Danube carries a warning: Europe decays when it stops looking outward. In a world of increasing insularity, the EU should heed its warning.

      Thomas de Waal

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe Falls Behind in the South Caucasus Connectivity Race

    The EU lacks leadership and strategic planning in the South Caucasus, while the United States is leading the charge. To secure its geopolitical interests, Brussels must invest in new connectivity for the region.

      Zaur Shiriyev

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.