Nathalie Tocci, Jan Techau
{
"authors": [
"Jan Techau"
],
"type": "commentary",
"blog": "Strategic Europe",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Europe"
],
"collections": [
"Brexit and UK Politics"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Europe",
"Western Europe",
"United Kingdom"
],
"topics": [
"EU"
]
}Source: Getty
Now David Cameron Can Make History
British Prime Minister David Cameron has been given the opportunity to fundamentally reshape the political landscape of a country toward a more modern design.
After the “No” vote in the Scottish referendum, British Prime Minister David Cameron must feel like the luckiest man on earth. Not only did he avoid Scotland's secession from the UK—an outcome that could have easily cost him his job and career—he now also has the chance to completely redefine Britain’s political narrative.
Cameron gets this enormous chance despite the fact that he gravely miscalculated the Scottish referendum question, bungled the UK’s Europe policies (that other issue revolving around political union), and contributed very little to the victory of the Scottish No campaign.
With luck being so massively on his side, Cameron can now do what few democratically elected leaders are ever given the chance to: fundamentally reshape the political landscape of a country toward a more modern design.
Along the way, Cameron can demonstrate to the rest of Europe what modern state reform looks like. He can bring about a rejuvenation that the country desperately needs by inspiring citizens at the local and regional levels with greater powers and responsibilities. Those who have traveled to small and medium sized towns in England, Scotland, or Wales in recent years will know how desperately these locals need an infusion of civic spirit and communitarian enthusiasm.
If played well, Cameron can create a period of “Cool Britannia II.” Only this time, it could have some real substance to it, as opposed to the empty Blairite babble of the late 1990s.
The window of opportunity is small. The current economic upswing in the UK looks positive, but remains fragile. The super-grand coalition of the “Better Together” campaign will only feel bound by the promises given to Scotland for a short time. Already, Tory backbenchers are questioning the “devo max” policy.
Yet, if Cameron manages to sustain this “Better Together” spirit over the coming months, uses the reform project to finally get a grip on the backbenchers in his party, and devises a bold and smart idea for what a federally structured UK might look like, he could go down in history.
Cameron has been given an unexpected opportunity to become one of the truly great British prime ministers. He could carry this energy into the 2015 UK general elections and win them, marginalizing his Labour opponents in the process. Best of all, he could regain a leadership status within his own party that would make him a lot less vulnerable to attack from the euroskeptic radicals who wish to unseat him and lead the UK into the political wilderness.
Not least, Cameron could improve his tarnished reputation in Europe, walk into EU negotiations with a strong mandate (similar to the one that Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi currently enjoys), and face a 2017 referendum on the UK’s EU membership with confidence—and an arsenal of good arguments for staying in. If Cameron manages to win two existential referenda in the UK, a place in the history books will surely be his.
All of this now depends on whether Cameron has the instinct, the strength, the forcefulness, and the skill to bring about meaningful constitutional change to the UK in the next few months.
History has given David Cameron a seductive smile today. He now needs to show that he can conquer her.
About the Author
Director, Europe Team, Eurasia Group
Techau is director with Eurasia Group's Europe team, covering Germany and European security from Berlin. Previously, he was director of Carnegie Europe.
- Can Europe Trust the United States Again?Commentary
- Pre-Reformation Europe and the Coming SchismCommentary
Jan Techau
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Strategic Europe
- Europe Needs its own Sanctions-Enforcement MuscleCommentary
The EU can impose sanctions but struggles to enforce them without the United States. With Washington increasingly disinterested in backing European interests, the bloc must now fend for itself.
Nicu Popescu, Tiago Antunes
- Containing Escalation in the Black SeaCommentary
Russia is testing the waters of NATO’s mutual defense clause. What do strikes in Romanian territorial waters mean for the alliance’s posture toward Moscow?
Dimitar Bechev
- Taking the Pulse: Does the EU Have a France Problem?Commentary
With its public finances in shambles, the far right polling at 35 percent ahead of the 2027 presidential election, and a growing protest movement, is France’s crisis a threat to the EU’s geopolitical awakening?
Rym Momtaz, ed.
- Trump Blindsides Ukraine But Gives Europe an OpportunityCommentary
Ahead of a tough winter for Ukraine, Donald Trump’s swing back toward Russia bodes ill. But instead of panicking, Kyiv’s European allies are focusing on action.
Rym Momtaz
- The EU’s Middle-Power PuzzleCommentary
While the EU and European governments are embracing the much-lauded middle-power moment, this entails three difficult conundrums.
Richard Youngs