Twenty years ago, the Kremlin broke the power of local elites—but now Putin’s aversion to change means they are making a comeback.

There is a growing tumor in the system of personnel appointments that is now affecting the functioning of the Russian state, with some people even having their letters of resignation rejected.

The ongoing state of war and uncertain future mean that the Russian elites cannot make long-term plans, which encourages them to flout the old rules, live for today, and undertake power moves to score a win against their rivals.

Putin is more likely to promote people in their forties than older generations who have been in power for too long and can envisage life without him. But Russia doesn’t have enough young administrators ready to replace those in their sixties.

Today’s coerced voters are a world away from the unfortunates who a decade ago were secretly driven to special polling stations. In this month’s presidential election, administrative and corporate mobilization was given pride of place.

Creating a new political post to oversee major social spending plans will cause a shift in the balance of power within Russia’s bureaucracy.

Even if he is ultimately barred from running, Boris Nadezhdin’s campaign has shown anti-war Russians that they are not alone.

The decision by some top-tier politicians to sit out the March presidential election makes it harder for officials to portray Putin’s win as historic.

The president’s inclination to ignore his administration and act upon his own initiative is damaging to both himself and the power vertical he created.

Enterprising and competent officials know full well they can survive without Putin. Whether the regime can survive without them, though, is another matter.