• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
Democracy
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Souhayb Jawhar"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "blog": "Sada",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [],
  "topics": []
}
Attribution logo

Source: Getty

Commentary
Sada

Doha: Filling the Arab Void in Lebanon

Liberated after the end of the 2017 blockade and encouraged by the United States declaring it a “major non-NATO ally,” Qatar resumes its mediatory role in Lebanon.

Link Copied
By Souhayb Jawhar
Published on Jan 31, 2023
Sada

Blog

Sada

Sada is an online journal rooted in Carnegie’s Middle East Program that seeks to foster and enrich debate about key political, economic, and social issues in the Arab world and provides a venue for new and established voices to deliver reflective analysis on these issues.

Learn More

The state of Qatar has recently begun further honing its diplomatic tools to actively contribute to current regional affairs. At the top of the country’s list is mediating between Washington and the Taliban, brokering friendship between Turkey and Egypt, and most importantly, activating its presence in the crisis-ridden Lebanese state.

The Qatari presence in Lebanon dates back to the period following the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri, in 2005 and the Israeli war on Lebanon in the summer of 2006. During that time, Doha played a pivotal role in stopping the Israeli aggression, as well as sponsoring the Lebanese National Dialogue Conference in 2008 when fighting between Hezbollah and its opponents erupted in Beirut. The conference ended an 18-month long political crisis and resulted in Michael Suleiman, commander of the Lebanese Armed forces, being appointed as a consensus president. Even today, despite Qatar’s disagreement with Iran and Hezbollah on the Syrian file, Doha’s channels of communication with Hezbollah remain effective in the Lebanese arena.

When the maritime border demarcation negotiations between Lebanon and Israel under American auspices were completed, former President Michel Aoun publicly thanked the state of Qatar and officially recognized the Qatari role in achieving this agreement which allowed for gas exploration in the Mediterranean Sea. Behind-the-scenes intelligence confirmed that Doha’s contributions helped put the final touches on the deal by assisting the American mediation efforts. The U.S. mediator, Amos Hochstein, held talks in Doha last February with Gebran Bassil, leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, over sea border demarcation and the gas dispute with Israel. Other Lebanese officials, including presidential negotiator, Elias Bou Saab, announced their desire for Qatar to have a key investment in Lebanese oil blocks, whether in exploration operations or in the extraction stage. Furthermore, the Lebanese Ministry of Energy announced that Qatar is now in talks with the Lebanese government to take a 30 percent stake in the offshore exploration Block 9.

Qatari Initiative Suggests Army Commander as President

Qatar is also among the countries engaged in the effort to find a new president for Lebanon. Leaks indicate that Doha’s preference is for the election of the army commander, Joseph Aoun, who is expected to create consensus inside Lebanon and build trust regionally and internationally. Proof of Qatari interest appeared recently when Doha donated 60 million USD to the Lebanese army in a gesture that the United States commended. This was followed by Qatar’s extension of a formal invitation to Mr. Aoun to visit Doha on December 10, 2022. The invitation received significant attention in Lebanon and in other countries of the region, as Aoun is one of the most prominent and serious presidential candidates, with extensive relations with Arab and Western governments that broker settlements in Lebanon.

The Qataris and Aoun held intensive talks to discuss continued support for the Lebanese army. Lebanese sources indicated that Doha assured Aoun of international and Arab support for his candidacy. However, the problem lies in obtaining the agreement of the local Lebanese powers such as Hezbollah and the Free Patriotic Movement, whose president, Gebran Bassil, will be hosted in Doha to discuss the matter.

In fact, the Qatari presence in all discussions pertaining to Lebanese affairs is becoming abundantly clear. By next spring, a quadripartite meeting organized by Qatar will be held in Paris between officials from the United States, France, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia to discuss the efforts of Doha and Paris to reach a political solution to the Lebanese crisis and to elect a president of the country.

An Adventure in a Minefield

The Qataris seek to play a bigger role in the ongoing international efforts to resolve the Lebanese crisis with Saudi consent, French coordination, and American sponsorship. They are supporting the army and sending aid to support the health, education, and transportation sectors at a time when the support of other Gulf countries is clearly absent. So far, Saudi Arabia has avoided announcing its support for any presidential candidate, and Hezbollah appears to be waiting to see if a consensus emerges around a figure who will unite the government.

Ultimately, the success of any Qatari role in Lebanon is dependent on the desire of the Lebanese parties to consider the proposed solutions, beyond their own political calculations. It also hinges on relations between the actual actors in the region, specifically Washington, Riyadh, and Tehran.

Souhayb Jawhar is a Lebanese journalist and writer for a variety of Arabic sites, a producer of documentary films for Al Araby TV, and a researcher covering Islamist political movements. Follow him on Twitter: @souhaybjawhar. 

Souhayb Jawhar

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Sada

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Morocco: Security Concerns and the Test of Human Rights

    Is Morocco’s migration policy protecting Sub-Saharan African migrants or managing them for political and security ends? This article unpacks the gaps, the risks, and the paths toward real rights-based integration.

      Soufiane Elgoumri

  • Commentary
    Sada
    A House Divided: How Internal Power Struggles Shape Iraq’s Foreign Policy

    Iraq’s foreign policy is being shaped by its own internal battles—fractured elites, competing militias, and a state struggling to speak with one voice. The article asks: How do these divisions affect Iraq’s ability to balance between the U.S. and Iran? Can Baghdad use its “good neighbor” approach to reduce regional tensions? And what will it take for Iraq to turn regional investments into real stability at home? It explores potential solutions, including strengthening state institutions, curbing rogue militias, improving governance, and using regional partnerships to address core economic and security weaknesses so Iraq can finally build a unified and sustainable foreign policy.

      Mike Fleet

  • Commentary
    Sada
    The Role of E-commerce in Empowering Women in Saudi Arabia: Assessing the Policy Potential

    How can Saudi Arabia turn its booming e-commerce sector into a real engine of economic empowerment for women amid persistent gaps in capital access, digital training, and workplace inclusion? This piece explores the policy fixes, from data-center integration to gender-responsive regulation, that could unlock women’s full potential in the kingdom’s digital economy.

      Hannan Hussain

  • Commentary
    Sada
    A War Fueled by Hate Speech: Sudan’s Fall into Fragmentation

    Hate speech has spread across Sudan and become a key factor in worsening the war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces. The article provides expert analysis and historical background to show how hateful rhetoric has fueled violence, justified atrocities, and weakened national unity, while also suggesting ways to counter it through justice, education, and promoting a culture of peace.

      Samar Sulaiman

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Disarming Palestinian Factions in Lebanon: Can a Security Experiment Evolve into Sovereign Policy?

    The August 2025 government decision to restrict weapons to the Lebanese state, starting with Palestinian arms in the camps, marked a major test of Lebanon’s ability to turn a long-standing slogan into practical policy. Yet the experiment quickly exposed political hesitation, social gaps, and factional divisions, raising the question of whether it can become a model for addressing more sensitive files such as Hezbollah’s weapons.

      Souhayb Jawhar

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.