• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
Democracy
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Alexandre Kateb"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "blog": "Sada",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "MEP",
  "programs": [
    "Middle East"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [],
  "topics": []
}
Attribution logo

Source: Getty

Commentary
Sada

BRICS+ and the Arab Gulf: The Perks of Membership

As a matter of economic policy, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have much to gain by joining the bloc.

Link Copied
By Alexandre Kateb
Published on Jan 4, 2024
Sada

Blog

Sada

Sada is an online journal rooted in Carnegie’s Middle East Program that seeks to foster and enrich debate about key political, economic, and social issues in the Arab world and provides a venue for new and established voices to deliver reflective analysis on these issues.

Learn More
Program mobile hero image

Program

Middle East

The Middle East Program in Washington combines in-depth regional knowledge with incisive comparative analysis to provide deeply informed recommendations. With expertise in the Gulf, North Africa, Iran, and Israel/Palestine, we examine crosscutting themes of political, economic, and social change in both English and Arabic.

Learn More

Following its summit in Johannesburg this past August, the BRICS group extended invitations to five nations in the Middle East and North Africa—Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia— as well as to Argentina. As of January 1, these five countries have been officially welcomed into the bloc. This move towards an expanded BRICS+ came during discussions about new initiatives to de-dollarize trade and financial transactions, notably through the use of the Chinese Renminbi and other local currencies. 

There are several incentives underlying Saudi Arabia and the UAE's decision to join BRICS+. First and foremost is the perceived need to rebalance and hedge their economic and geopolitical alignments in a rapidly shifting global environment. Following the demise of the Bretton Woods system in the 1970s, Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern oil exporters were nudged to bolster the US dollar's continued dominance as the global reserve currency and preferred medium for international trade. This involved linking their currencies to the dollar, channeling their dollar surpluses from oil sales back into the US economy, and lending these surpluses to other nations—leading to the creation of the petrodollar system.

As the new millennium dawned, the United States became a net exporter of oil and gas and Asia emerged as the predominant purchaser of Middle Eastern oil, with China at the forefront. BRICS+ membership for Saudi Arabia and the UAE may thus recalibrate the dynamics of this buyer-seller relationship with China within a single multilateral framework, and lead a better understanding of mutual interests, especially in terms of price setting and supply chains. And alongside membership in the New Development Bank—established in 2014 by BRICS members, and which the UAE has already joined—BRICS+ may also help these two capital-rich countries to benefit from investment opportunities related to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

Saudi Arabia and the UAE may also expand economic partnerships with India, which has been critical of China's Belt and Road Initiative and the use of the Renminbi in international trade. Through BRICS+, the UAE and Saudi Arabia can facilitate and coordinate their investments both in India, which seeks capital for developing its infrastructure and manufacturing sector, and in India-sponsored cross-border schemes, such as the recently proposed India-Middle East-Europe economic corridor. More broadly, the inclusion of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in BRICS+, which India lobbied for, may rebalance China’s dominance within the bloc and help pacify relations between New Delhi and Beijing. 

An expanded BRICS+ could enhance the power of other non-Western alliances in global economic fora, ultimately reshaping them to better align with an emerging multipolar world. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), for instance, stands to benefit from their two most prominent members joining BRICS+, given the latter’s growing role within the G20 as a counterbalance to the G7 bloc. Integrating nations like Indonesia or Malaysia into BRICS+ could further elevate this cooperative endeavor, linking the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the GCC, and the African Union within a single non-Western controlled multilateral framework.

Beyond these shared incentives, both Saudi Arabia and the UAE possess unique rationales for BRICS+ membership. While the UAE doesn’t boast a trillion-dollar economy, it plays a disproportionately significant role in international energy, trade, and finance—and its inclusion in BRICS+ serves as a testament to its stature as a global hub. For Saudi Arabia, joining BRICS+ signifies a pivotal transition: from a nation primarily aligned with the United States to an independent regional force with international influence, mirroring the trajectory observed in neighboring Turkey over the past twenty years.

As it expands beyond its “minilateral” origins, the alliance may help member states to circumvent some of the barriers that curtail their influence within a predominantly Western-led multilateral system. In the long term, the aim is to rewrite the rules of this system and introduce innovative mechanisms for global cooperation, capitalizing on new digital technologies and enhanced physical connectivity. For countries like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, BRICS+ membership offers a chance to take an active role in shaping this emerging landscape.

Alexandre Kateb is an Economist and a Chartered Financial Analyst (CFA). He is the founder and chairman of The Multipolarity Report, which he founded after twenty years of experience as an economist, policy advisor, and investment strategist. Follow him on X @AlexandreKateb.

Alexandre Kateb

Alexandre Kateb is an Economist and a Chartered Financial Analyst (CFA). He is the founder and chairman of The Multipolarity Report, which he founded after twenty years of experience as an economist, policy advisor, and investment strategist.

Alexandre Kateb

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Sada

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Morocco: Security Concerns and the Test of Human Rights

    Is Morocco’s migration policy protecting Sub-Saharan African migrants or managing them for political and security ends? This article unpacks the gaps, the risks, and the paths toward real rights-based integration.

      Soufiane Elgoumri

  • Commentary
    Sada
    A House Divided: How Internal Power Struggles Shape Iraq’s Foreign Policy

    Iraq’s foreign policy is being shaped by its own internal battles—fractured elites, competing militias, and a state struggling to speak with one voice. The article asks: How do these divisions affect Iraq’s ability to balance between the U.S. and Iran? Can Baghdad use its “good neighbor” approach to reduce regional tensions? And what will it take for Iraq to turn regional investments into real stability at home? It explores potential solutions, including strengthening state institutions, curbing rogue militias, improving governance, and using regional partnerships to address core economic and security weaknesses so Iraq can finally build a unified and sustainable foreign policy.

      Mike Fleet

  • Commentary
    Sada
    The Role of E-commerce in Empowering Women in Saudi Arabia: Assessing the Policy Potential

    How can Saudi Arabia turn its booming e-commerce sector into a real engine of economic empowerment for women amid persistent gaps in capital access, digital training, and workplace inclusion? This piece explores the policy fixes, from data-center integration to gender-responsive regulation, that could unlock women’s full potential in the kingdom’s digital economy.

      Hannan Hussain

  • Commentary
    Sada
    A War Fueled by Hate Speech: Sudan’s Fall into Fragmentation

    Hate speech has spread across Sudan and become a key factor in worsening the war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces. The article provides expert analysis and historical background to show how hateful rhetoric has fueled violence, justified atrocities, and weakened national unity, while also suggesting ways to counter it through justice, education, and promoting a culture of peace.

      Samar Sulaiman

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Disarming Palestinian Factions in Lebanon: Can a Security Experiment Evolve into Sovereign Policy?

    The August 2025 government decision to restrict weapons to the Lebanese state, starting with Palestinian arms in the camps, marked a major test of Lebanon’s ability to turn a long-standing slogan into practical policy. Yet the experiment quickly exposed political hesitation, social gaps, and factional divisions, raising the question of whether it can become a model for addressing more sensitive files such as Hezbollah’s weapons.

      Souhayb Jawhar

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.