• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Christopher Boucek"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [
    "Middle East"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "Saudi Arabia",
    "Yemen"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Security",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}
In The Media

What to do with Guantánamo's Detainees

One of President-elect Barack Obama's top priorities will be to rethink the "war on terror" from the ground up. That means following through on his campaign promises to close the US military prison at Guantánamo, which would be a major symbolic achievement.

Link Copied
By Christopher Boucek
Published on Nov 21, 2008

Source: Christian Science Monitor

One of President-elect Barack Obama's top priorities will be to rethink the "war on terror" from the ground up. That means following through on his campaign promises to close the US military prison at Guantánamo, which would be a major symbolic achievement.

Mr. Obama's administration-in-waiting is now crafting plans to bring several dozen detainees to the United States to stand trial, according to Associated Press reports, but it should prepare to encounter hurdles. The current US government is wary of closing Guantánamo. Among its biggest concerns is that prisoners will return to the battlefield upon their release. However, available data indicate otherwise.

The Obama administration could learn quite a bit from the Saudi example of detainee rehabilitation. Since May 2003, approximately 117 Saudi nationals have been repatriated from Guantánamo, bringing the total number of Saudis detained there to under 20. To date, none of the former Saudi detainees has returned to the battlefield.

Following a series of deadly domestic terrorist attacks in 2003, the Saudi government began an ambitious and wide-ranging counterterrorism effort. In addition to traditional security and law enforcement efforts to kill or capture terrorists, the Saudis launched a parallel strategy to combat the ideological justifications for violent extremism within the kingdom.

This Saudi "soft" approach, first formulated a few years ago by a Yemeni judge, Hamoud al-Hitar, is made up of three components: prevention programs to deter average citizens from becoming violent extremists, rehabilitation programs designed to encourage supporters and sympathizers to renounce violence, and aftercare programs to prevent recidivism and reintegrate people into society. Similar programs have already begun in Singapore, Egypt, Malaysia, Indonesia, and in Iraq with help from a US Marine Corps task force.

One of the keys to the Saudi program's success is the extensive social support given to a detainee and his family, intended to offset hardship and short-circuit further radicalization. Persuasion, cooptation, and even coercion all play a role as Saudi authorities use traditional cultural factors such as honor, family hierarchies, and powerful social obligations to prevent recidivism.

Another major concern about closing Guantánamo is the large number of Yemeni prisoners held there. According to recent figures, there are about 101 Yemenis currently detained in Guantánamo, making them the largest group of prisoners from a single country.

Yemen is one of the poorest countries in the world, so providing adequate social programs to rehabilitate freed detainees would be difficult. But its government is committed to repatriating its nationals. The US and other governments can help offset the costs associated with doing so – a far more attractive option than indefinite detention.

Plenty of research has been done about how individuals become radicalized, but much less is understood about how people transition out of such behavior – and they do, to a remarkable extent. My own research, and that of my coauthors in "Leaving Terrorism Behind," finds that participation in violence is not a permanent aspect of a militant's life.

Of course, some hard core extremists can never be rehabilitated, and as Lawrence Wright wrote in a recent New Yorker article, you can only hope for so much, moving people a bit at a time.

To be sure, some detainees considered an extreme danger to the United States can never be repatriated. Among them are at least two "high value" detainees, including alleged 9/11 conspirators Ramzi bin al Shibh and Walid bin Attash.

And of course there was the case that occurred this past May when Abdallah Salih al-Ajmi, who was repatriated to Kuwait in 2005 after three years in Gitmo and subsequently acquitted of terrorism charges by a Kuwaiti court, killed seven people in a suicide bombing targeting Iraqi security forces in Mosul.

These individuals should be tried as war criminals, or – better yet – as regular criminals, not in secret courts or military commissions. It remains for Obama to decide what will happen to them, but transparency, due process, and legality are some of the strongest weapons in the struggle against violent extremism. These perpetrators must be brought to justice for their actions, and as long as they are hidden away at Gitmo, that cannot happen.

Of course, these men are a minority within a minority, and the Obama administration will have to show that terrorism emanating from the Muslim world cannot be defeated through traditional security measures alone.

Christopher Boucek
Former Associate, Middle East Program
Christopher Boucek
Political ReformSecurityForeign PolicyNorth AmericaUnited StatesSaudi ArabiaYemen

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    The EU and India in Tandem

    As European leadership prepares for the sixteenth EU-India Summit, both sides must reckon with trade-offs in order to secure a mutually beneficial Free Trade Agreement.

      Dinakar Peri

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe Faces the Gone-Rogue Doctrine

    The hyper-personalized new version of global sphere-of-influence politics that Donald Trump wants will fail, as it did for Russia. In the meantime, Europe must still deal with a disruptive former ally determined to break the rules.

      Thomas de Waal

  • Commentary
    Europe’s American Predicament

    Between Greenland and U.S. interference in Europe’s democracies, transatlantic relations risk rising to an unprecedented level of crisis. Amid continued arguments on how Brussels should react, tough times lie ahead for European leaders.

      Marc Pierini

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: What Issue Is Europe Ignoring at Its Peril in 2026?

    2026 has started in crisis, as the actions of unpredictable leaders shape an increasingly volatile global environment. To shift from crisis response to strategic foresight, what under-the-radar issues should the EU prepare for in the coming year?

      Thomas de Waal

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    France, Turkey, and a Reset in the Black Sea

    A renewal of relations between France and Turkey is vital to strengthen European strategic autonomy. To make this détente a reality, Paris and Ankara should move beyond personal friction and jointly engage with questions of Black Sea security.

      Romain Le Quiniou

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.