• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Moisés Naím",
    "Francisco Toro"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [
    "The Return of Global Russia: A Reassessment of the Kremlin’s International Agenda"
  ],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "South America",
    "Russia"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Economy",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

Russia Is Now Venezuela’s Only Hope

Russia is Venezuela’s lender of last resort, the last and only place the government can turn in search of a financial lifeline.

Link Copied
By Moisés Naím and Francisco Toro
Published on Dec 11, 2017
Project hero Image

Project

The Return of Global Russia: A Reassessment of the Kremlin’s International Agenda

The Kremlin’s activist foreign policy is expanding Russian global influence at a time when the United States and other Western countries are increasingly divided or consumed by domestic problems.  The Return of Global Russia project will examine the Kremlin’s ambitions to become a player in far-flung parts of the world where its influence has long been written off, the tools it is relying upon to challenge the liberal international order, and practical Western policy options for how and when to respond to this new challenge.

Learn More

Source: Moscow Times

As Venezuela falls deeper into economic chaos, South America’s last revolutionary regime has found itself alone on the world’s stage.

Once, under the leadership of the late charismatic socialist Hugo Chavez, Venezuela ran a network of alliances spanning the globe: From Tehran and Beijing to Quito and Buenos Aires, including Moscow, Minsk and Tripoli.

But these last few years, with oil prices tumbling, Venezuela’s international influence has evaporated, and its list of friends has shrunk dramatically.

Even more troubling for Venezuela’s regime, is that the number of countries willing to devote real resources to helping it has dropped to just two: Havana and Moscow. 

Venezuela’s demise has been rapid and drastic. In November, the country defaulted on its debts. Laboring under sanctions from the U.S., the EU and Canada, it appealed to its last foreign backers with increasing desperation.

The outcome was disappointing. The Cubans are good for domestic intelligence, repression management and political advice — few other nations today know how to keep a crumbling communist dictatorship under lock and key like the Cubans do. But they have no money, and no expertise in how to run a large-scale oil production operation. For that, Venezuela is increasingly looking to Russia.

In the last 20 years, Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela (PdVSA), has morphed from a world-class giant into a bankrupt skeleton, which is heavily dependent on Russia's state-owned oil giant Rosneft.

PDVSA’s is a story of huge hubris, rampant mismanagement and unimaginable corruption. It is also increasingly a story of Russian opportunism: The deeper PDVSA was embroiled in a financial and operational turmoil, the more aggressively Rosneft moved to fill the gaps and carve out a space as an essential partner.

Today, Russia is Venezuela’s lender of last resort, the last and only place the government can turn in search of a financial lifeline.

In November, Presidents Nicolás Maduro and Vladimir Putin agreed to a refinancing package of $3.15 billion in bilateral loans to Venezuela, putting off almost all payments until after 2023.

This was not generosity but pragmatism. With the Venezuelan treasury increasingly bare, Putin realized that Venezuela simply could not repay its debts. While official statements brim with the language of generosity, flexibility and friendship, the reality is more threadbare — Venezuela has no other option.

What Moscow expects in return is clear: Preferential access to Venezuela’s enormous oil reserves. At 300 billion barrels, Venezuela is virtually floating on top of a lake of oil.

The country has more oil than Kuwait, Russia, Qatar, Mexico, and the United States combined, though it is clear, however, that the vast majority of this oil will never be produced. Even if Venezuela increases production volumes tenfold, it would still have oil for another 40 years.

Rosneft is well established in Venezuela, and while foreign companies continue to shrink their footprints under pressure, Russia’s state oil giant has expanded its operations there.

A Rosneft team is currently in Venezuela’s Paraguana peninsula reviewing plans to take over the Amuay Refinery, a giant and aging broken-down facility that once processed up to 645,000 barrels of crude a day. Russian engineers already run a raft of PDVSA-Rosneft joint ventures, which continue to grow in scope.

From the Kremlin’s point of view, there’s no downside here. Keeping in power a regime militantly opposed to American hegemony in the Western Hemisphere advances a longstanding Russian strategic priority. 

But, even better, rather than costing the Kremlin large sums, its support for the Venezuelan regime will likely make money, and substantial amounts too.

The reason is simple: Venezuela is desperate. Its fiscal management is chaotic, its people hungry, its government perennially crisis-struck.

Western lenders had stopped offering credit even before international sanctions barred them from doing so. And borrower desperation is a lender’s best friend — with its back against the wall, the Venezuelan government will be willing to accept loan terms that would be considered unthinkable under normal circumstances.

What terms, exactly? We don’t know. 

Like almost everything else the Venezuelan government does, the specific terms of these agreements is kept secret. But though they can’t be observed, they can be inferred. When a borrower this desperate strikes a deal with a lender this aggressive and insists on keeping the terms under wraps, the details can only be shocking.

In some ways, we can hardly fault Russia. It sees an opening, and it is taking it. Lack of money, massive incompetence, galactic corruption combine to make Venezuela a beggar without options.

After two decades of leftist screeds against American imperialism, Caracas has managed only to trade one imperial master for another.

This article was originally published in the Moscow Times.

About the Authors

Moisés Naím

Distinguished Fellow

Moisés Naím is a distinguished fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a best-selling author, and an internationally syndicated columnist.

Francisco Toro

Francisco Toro is executive editor at CaracasChronicles.com.

Authors

Moisés Naím
Distinguished Fellow
Moisés Naím
Francisco Toro

Francisco Toro is executive editor at CaracasChronicles.com.

EconomyForeign PolicyNorth AmericaSouth AmericaRussia

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Commentary
    Europe Doesn’t Like War—for Good Reasons

    The wars in Ukraine and the Middle East are existential threats to Europe as a peace project. Leaders and citizens alike must reaffirm their solidarity to face up to today’s multifaceted challenges.

      Marc Pierini

  • Article
    Rewiring the South Caucasus: TRIPP and the New Geopolitics of Connectivity

    The U.S.-sponsored TRIPP deal is driving the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process forward. But foreign and domestic hurdles remain before connectivity and economic interdependence can open up the South Caucasus.

      • Areg Kochinyan

      Thomas de Waal, Areg Kochinyan, Zaur Shiriyev

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Is it NATO’s Job to Support Trump’s War of Choice?

    Donald Trump has demanded that European allies send ships to the Strait of Hormuz while his war of choice in Iran rages on. He has constantly berated NATO while the alliance’s secretary-general has emphatically supported him.

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Time to Merge the Commission and EEAS

    The EU is structurally incapable of reacting to today’s foreign policy crises. The union must fold the EEAS into the European Commission and create a security council better prepared to take action on the global stage.

      Stefan Lehne

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Russia’s Imperial Retreat Is Europe’s Strategic Opportunity

    The war in Ukraine is costing Russia its leverage overseas. Across the South Caucasus and Middle East, this presents an opportunity for Europe to pick up the pieces and claim its own sphere of influence.

      William Dixon, Maksym Beznosiuk

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.