• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Judy Dempsey"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "blog": "Strategic Europe",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Europe",
    "Middle East",
    "North America"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Security",
    "Military",
    "EU"
  ]
}
Strategic Europe logo

Source: Getty

Commentary
Strategic Europe

Europeans Say No to Military Intervention

According to a recent survey, Europeans are unconvinced by military action abroad but still value European leadership in the world. Those two views are tricky to reconcile.

Link Copied
By Judy Dempsey
Published on Sep 19, 2013
Strategic Europe

Blog

Strategic Europe

Strategic Europe offers insightful analysis, fresh commentary, and concrete policy recommendations from some of Europe’s keenest international affairs observers.

Learn More

When German government officials became convinced that chemical weapons had been used against Syrian civilians, they presented Chancellor Angela Merkel with several options for how to respond.

Discussions also took place between Berlin and Washington about how to punish the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, widely believed to be behind the attacks. But with Germany’s federal election campaign drawing to a close, Merkel was in no position to support the use of military force. Germany’s voters would not accept it. It would be politically too damaging for her.

It’s true that Germans have a huge aversion to any kind of military intervention. But they are no longer the only ones, as the annual Transatlantic Trends survey, conducted by the German Marshall Fund of the United States, makes abundantly clear. In Europe, most people now oppose the use of force.

The poll’s findings have important strategic implications for Europe’s security and defense ambitions. If Europeans are not prepared to have the use of force at their disposal, then their diplomatic efforts—at both EU and national level—will be undermined. Moreover, if Europeans are not even prepared to act over the use of chemical weapons in Syria, what can they do to prevent other countries from using them?

Transatlantic Trends interviewed respondents in ten European countries and Turkey. Asked whether force was sometimes necessary to obtain justice, only 31 percent of those polled said yes. Most Americans, in contrast, still believe in the use of force: around 68 percent think it can become necessary, according to the survey.

When questioned about Syria in particular, the Europeans gave an even more clear-cut response. Nearly 75 percent of respondents rejected any military intervention there. Germans, Portuguese, Slovaks, and Spaniards were particularly adamant about not wanting to get involved.

In Turkey, 72 percent of those asked said their country should keep out of Syria. That contrasts sharply with Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s more aggressive stance, which has been focused on regime change in Syria.

But Americans want to stay out of Syria too, as President Barack Obama discovered the hard way when he lobbied Congress to sanction strikes against Syria.

There are several possible explanations for this reluctance to use force. One is the sheer weight of war-weariness and casualties from the interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Another reason is the fact that in Europe in particular, publics are highly skeptical about the results of the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. They are unsure about the long-term goals and benefits of military intervention, and have become doubtful about imposing Western values on countries undergoing tremendous changes.

Furthermore, the debates in Britain and France about supporting a U.S.-led military intervention also exposed a growing anti-Americanism.

But Transatlantic Trends reveals something else about European publics: they are becoming very inward-looking. More and more Europeans seem to believe that they can live in a comfort zone insulated from the crisis engulfing their neighbors.

This comfort zone negates the need to take responsibility for defending the European liberal order. Indeed, the implicit message from Transatlantic Trends is that if this mood continues, Russia and China will be calling the shots. Yet when European respondents were asked if they believed Russian leadership in world affairs was desirable, 27 percent said no.

Most of Europe’s leaders are neither challenging these insular views nor explaining that crises in Europe’s neighborhoods breed their own regional instability.

Yet herein lies a contradiction. Despite their insularism, Europeans continue to take a positive view of Europe’s role in global affairs. According to the survey, 71 percent of European respondents said that strong European leadership in world affairs was desirable—down only 5 percentage points from 2006.

If that is indeed the case, then European leaders have a difficult act to follow: they will need to reconcile their publics’ global ambitions with a foreign policy that cannot rely on the threat of military force.

Is that what Europe really wants?

About the Author

Judy Dempsey

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe

Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Europe Needs to Hear What America is Saying

      Judy Dempsey

  • Commentary
    Babiš’s Victory in Czechia Is Not a Turning Point for European Populists

      Judy Dempsey

Judy Dempsey
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Judy Dempsey
SecurityMilitaryEUEuropeMiddle EastNorth America

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Strategic Europe

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Is France’s New Nuclear Doctrine Ambitious Enough?

    French President Emmanuel Macron has unveiled his country’s new nuclear doctrine. Are the changes he has made enough to reassure France’s European partners in the current geopolitical context?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    The EU Needs a Third Way in Iran

    European reactions to the war in Iran have lost sight of wider political dynamics. The EU must position itself for the next phase of the crisis without giving up on its principles.

      Richard Youngs

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Global Instability Makes Europe More Attractive, Not Less

    Europe isn’t as weak in the new geopolitics of power as many would believe. But to leverage its assets and claim a sphere of influence, Brussels must stop undercutting itself.

      Dimitar Bechev

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe on Iran: Gone with the Wind

    Europe’s reaction to the war in Iran has been disunited and meek, a far cry from its previously leading role in diplomacy with Tehran. To avoid being condemned to the sidelines while escalation continues, Brussels needs to stand up for international law.

      Pierre Vimont

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Can European Defense Survive the Death of FCAS?

    France and Germany’s failure to agree on the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) raises questions about European defense. Amid industrial rivalries and competing strategic cultures, what does the future of European military industrial projects look like?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.